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Month: March 2009

Standard and Poors opine on the democratic decision of the people of the Irish state… hmmm

Perhaps I’m being overly sensitive, but I can’t help but find something a bit inappropriate in the report, on the front page of the IT as one might expect, that:

Agency says Ireland may need ‘new faces in Government’

And it continues:

Frank Gill, speaking a day after the agency lowered Ireland’s credit rating, also said Ireland had a “very low” chance of defaulting on its debt during an interview with Newstalk radio this morning.

Mr Gill said a change of Government may be required in an effort to stabilise the debt to gross domestic product ratio. That ratio may rise to above 9.5 per cent, according to the Government, more than three times the European Union limit.

Yes. Well, unless I’m much mistaken I was under the impression that the EU was cogniscent of that fact and had accounted for us running a much greater than usual debt for a limited period of time.

But it’s the first comment which is, in a sense, breath-taking. Who precisely are Standard and Poors to be making intrusive comments about the democratic choices of the irish people? You may have noticed that contributors to the Cedar Lounge have been, and appear to be likely to continue to be – what’s the term… oh, yeah, harshly critical of the Government. But that Government remains the democratic choice of the Irish people as expressed through the last election, still not quite two years past. Now, it may be that an election is necessary. But I’d like to think that it would be as a result of circumstances intrinsic to the political processes in this state. Not noises off.

And the source of these statements is one I’d treat with a certain scepticism at the best of times.

But then, why the surprise?

Consider that the Irish Times last week argued that:

Ultimately, however, it is what the Government decides in the emergency budget on April 7th and how it balances tax rises and expenditure cuts that matter. Success or failure there will be measured both by the reaction of the public and, critically, by the judgment of the bond market.

If those are the criteria by which a sovereign democratic state is meant to operate where the bond markets appear to be elevated to a level equal to, if not (critically) greater than, the ‘public’ where exactly are we again?

That was the day, that was the hour, that was… not a National Strike!

What an interesting piece of choreography we’ve been treated to this past week. That’s not to suggest that it’s a purely cynical piece of work, but rather that a whole host of players have been attempting to find leverage from relatively (although not equally) weak positions. Although feel free to regard it as… well…a purely cynical piece of work.

First up I’d somewhat dismissed the pieces in the Irish Times early last week about how unions were less than overwhelmingly in favour of the upcoming strike. But the news that Impact failed to achieve the two thirds majority necessary to initiate action is useful as an insight into the dynamics at work at this point in time within the union movement. I don’t want to overstate this, but clearly the media barrage about the public sector would have appeared to have some effect. And there is a clear lack of enthusiasm for too overt action. Anyone who has spoken to other union members on the ground will have noticed that support was patchy. Far from non-existent, but with a sense that the exercise was somewhat futile, particularly given the mood music coming from off-stage.

In part I wonder is that because after the CPSU stoppage a week or so back the level of vitriol poured on them, who many might have thought would have been regarded as getting a more sympathetic hearing due to the self-evident fact they were a section of the public service that is demonstrably less well-paid, was considerable.

Then there is the way in which the banking element of the crisis has receded somewhat into the background as the Budget looms larger in the general public imagination. ICTU was blessed that the Saturday Rally was at a time when anger directed at the banks was at an absolute height providing not merely cover, but also support for the actions. And that support was exemplified not merely by feet on streets but by a broader societal agreement shook the Government.

Although the subsequent foot dragging on the part of ICTU and the rather ambiguous statements from Begg and McLoone, particular in recent days, make it appear as if this is all a great game and the object of it is to reenter partnership as swiftly as possible. And correct me if I was wrong, but my sense was that the strike wasn’t about restarting talks as much as making a point about the levy and other aspects of the government handling of the crisis.

Reentering partnership would be an easier sell if there was any sense that, above and beyond the rhetoric emanating from the Government, partnership had a real meaning. But since both Government and employers appear to come to the table with their own set of proscriptions one could be excused some lack of confidence.

Of course the Government is also in a weakened position too. The threat, and worse the actuality, of a strike encompassing however imperfectly the public and private sectors (and while it is true there was a degree of attrition in terms of support there would still, had it gone ahead on yesterday, have been private sector union members involved), would be dismal news for them as they attempt to shore up the failing economy.

And for all the bluff and bluster coming from Ibec their position isn’t too hot either. A successful national strike, successful in the sense that it did encompass all sectors, would dent the attempts to split workers across the state.

But how the disposition of forces stands in the wake of the stand down is much less clear cut.

Has the Government blinked, or was it ICTU? The hand-waving we’re now seeing would make any observer confused. Martin Wall, Industrial Correspondent of the IT, last week argued that:

…it can be argued that they (the unions) did not sufficiently capitalise on the momentum of the march and that the strategic decision to go for the day of strikes highlighted the lukewarm attitude of many members towards industrial action in the current climate.

On the other hand, the unions will point out that the campaign on the day of strikes did lead to many private sector employers engaging with them on the national pay deal, and that the campaign succeeded in persuading the Government to go back into social partnership talks.

I’ll be honest, I think that calling it off without more concrete proposals from the Government is problematic. And yet, more positively, I can’t also but help to think that we’ve been given a handy demonstration of how much power the union movement still retains. None of us should have any illusions that there is enormous political potential here. At best a strike would serve as an educative moment, that organised labour retains societal heft whatever the sputterings of the more bilious commentators of the centre and right, and that that societal heft is such that neither Government nor private sector is able to unilaterally impose its will. But that, in this day and age, is no small thing in itself.

Was that lesson learned this last week? Did not holding it yesterday advance the cause or not? We’ll learn more at the Budget. And if not there’ll be plenty of time for recriminations.

Stop the Extradition of Seán Garland: National Committee Formed

The Irish Times reports important developments in the capaign to Stop the Extradition of Seán Garland. A National Committee has been formed, with internationally respected trade unionist and peace camapigner Chris Hudson as Chair and former President of The Workers’ Party and ex-TD and former Lord Mayor of Dublin Tomás Mac Giolla as Secretary.

Chris Hudson is now a Presbyterian Minister in South Belfast, but before that he was an official with Communications Workers’ Union in Dublin. Hudson has a strong track record of opposing violence and promoting human rights. He played a key role in the peace process, helping persuade loyalists to abandon violence, and acting as a go-between the Irish government and loyalists, including at several dangerous points where the process may have failed. I don’t know this for sure, but it seems to me that his involvement is a recognition both of the work of Seán Garland and The Workers’ Party in standing up for Peace, Work, Democracy and Class Politics over several decades, the humanitarian issues raised by Seán Garland’s age and health, and concern at the ludicrous nature of the accusations, and the vindictive and underhanded way in which Garland has been pursued by the Bush regime discussed here.

The Committee has already been in discussions with a large number of people north and south, and has secured support from senior figures in the Óireachtas (as noted here) and public life on both sides of the border, and across the political spectrum. Its stated aim is to “stop the extradition of Seán Garland to the United States, on political, humanitarian, legal and moral grounds”. Over the next weeks and months, public meetings will be held, as part of a broader public campaign, added to the lobbying of public figures and institutions.

Internationally too, the campaign has been stepped up. On March 11th, Greek Communist MEP, Comrade Athanasios Pafilis, raised the issue in the European Parliament, asking

Does the Council condemn the inadmissable arrest and political persecution of Seán Garland as an infringement of democratic rights and freedoms?

Over 50 Communist and Workers Parties have signed a statement of solidarity. The statement includes the following

We condemn this blatant attack on a leading member of The Workers’ Party of Ireland who has pursued a struggle against imperialism for almost 60 years. We express our solidarity with The Workers’ Party of Ireland and with Comrade Seán Garland in the fight against extradition to the US.

We demand the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of these extradition proceedings on political, legal and humanitarian grounds and call on all communist and workers’ parties and progressive organisation to send messages of support to The Workers’ Party at wpi@indigo.ie and the Campaign to Defend Seán Garland at defendseangarland@gmail.com

My sentiments exactly. Although I would call on individuals reading here to give their support to the Campaign, to get involved, and remind people of the petition, which can be signed online, or printed off for distribution.

The Irish Left Archive: Workers Weekly, Workers Association, British and Irish Communist Organisation, January 1975

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workers-weekly-1975

Here is Workers Weekly, a publication of the Workers Association, also of the British and Irish Communist Organisation. This dates from January 1975. As with the previous example in the Archive it is a four page typewritten production. Pedants will note that there is no consistency with the previous masthead.

This edition is exercised about the then recent Provisional IRA ceasefire and argued that:

“The Provisional IRA is now closer to defeat than at any time since they began the war against the people of Northern Ireland.”

The document is explicit in its political analysis:

Having abandoned violence at least temporarily – the Provos will be forced to attempt to pursued their objectives by political means. But the basic objective of the Provos – Irish unity – is incapable of being pursued by political mans. The realisation of Irish unity would not advance the objective material interests of any significant section of Ulster society. The only case for Irish unity that can be made is a case based on myths and legends and myths and legends will not attract many voters…[the Provisional IRA] possess neither the ability nor the guts to face reality and to participate in realistic politics in Northern Ireland. They have nothing to contribute to the working out of a new constitution for the Government of Northern Ireland as a province of the United Kingdom.

And then in a rather dubious piece of political forecasting it continues:

The working out of such a constitution will be the central issue in Ulster politics in the immediate period ahead and any political group which has nothing to contribute to this debate will quickly become irrelevant. Clearly the Provo’s have no future in Ulster politics.

Elsewhere it critiques, or rather criticises Peoples Democracy. There’s a unique take on internment and then a further critique of the SDLP and a poor piece of political prophecy which argues that:

…for Paddy Devlin [of the SDLP] to talk about two ‘traditions’ being given equal expression in the Northern Ireland state is a logical and political absurdity. They stand in totally mutually contradiction and they are not resolved by some sort of artificial creation which purports to allow the expression of both. In such a situation either one or the other will be expressed, not both.

And finally, turn to Page 4 for an attack on the ITGWU.

Saying the right thing at the right time? …Eamon Gilmore’s speech.

One of the major problems of political life in this age where everything is available almost at an instant is the sense of familiarity, even dullness, of policy proposals. Take, for example, the idea of a third tax rate for high earners as mooted at the Labour Party National Conference yesterday by Eamon Gilmore. It’s not that there is anything wrong with the idea. Nothing at al as it happens. The small problem is that voices across the political spectrum are articulating this position.

For example, a mere two or three weeks ago Stephen Collins and Deaglán De Bréadún were writing in the Irish Times that in preparation for the emergency budget the Cabinet were weighing up various possibilities:

An increase of at least 2 per cent in the lower and higher rates of income tax is expected in the budget but Ministers will have to decide whether to introduce a new top rate of tax which has been widely advocated.

It goes, perhaps, deeper than that. In the contemporary environment the choices available to politicians and political parties are constrained both by ideology (or lack of it) or by prior experience of applying them however well or ineptly.

So, despite being a welcome change from the Labour Party platform of 2007 with it’s near risible tax cut to 18% on the lower band, which gave Collins et al such satisfaction, there is something a little unsurprising about:

We will publish our pre-budget statement next week, and our tax proposals will include a third rate of income tax for the highest earners.

And I wonder is that familiarity responsible for this, as reported by Simon on Irish Election. 17% for Labour. Still very good, but not quite the stellar heights of previous polls. And worth parsing it out later as to why the decline in their fortunes and the resurgence for the government parties.

More satisfactory, by far, is the following:

But when we pay more tax, and deep down we all know we have to, then it must be progressive and on the taxpayer’s terms. The Government must end, in this budget, the practice and status of tax exiles.

Although I’d have liked the emphasis to be on progressive across the scale, rather than focusing on tax exiles. In fairnes while that’s something he doesn’t say explicitly, he appears to implicitly when he continues:

We will only get out of this mess, if we work together, as one Ireland.

Not by scapegoating nurses, teachers or gardai, or by targeting vulnerable groups like special needs children.

But by insisting on better value for money in the public services and having clear bottom lines.

That means that no-one who makes an honest effort to pay their mortgage should lose their home.

And there’s a lot more in that speech to indicate that Gilmore, and one assumes Labour, have at least some understanding of nuance when it comes to political activity. Not least when he argues that:

That means that €16 million is a small price to pay to vaccinate teenage girls against cervical cancer. That means that now is not the time for cuts in education. Labour would reverse the cuts in special needs classes. Reinstate the school book grants for our schools. Lift the cap on Post Leaving Cert Courses and keep universal access to third level education.

And also heartening to hear:

There has to be sacrifice, yes, but terms and conditions apply.

Indeed they do.

Now, the political implications of all this appear to mean that we are hurtling back to the embrace of the usual partner in this particular dance… how else to read the following?

The time has come for fundamental reform. Twice in a generation, Fianna Fáil has brought this country to the edge of disaster. Twice too often. It is now time to say ‘Never again’.

But in a way, Fianna Fáil isn’t the problem, or at least is only part of the problem. I could as easily posit a political system where all, almost all, collude in the chimera of low taxation as the panacea to our woes across two decades is also to blame. Or to put it a different way, don’t confuse the symptom with the cause. Fianna Fáil, as ever, has been the instrument of our near destruction, but it could have been otherwise.

And there’s a contradiction in all this. If Labour is asking all to play their part, is making submissions to government, then it makes it more difficult for them to attack government in a way that doesn’t sound… well… peevish.

Someone asked me to do a little thought experiment recently, enquiring as to what I thought the future would have been like had Fianna Fáil and Labour stayed in government rather than collapsing to usher in the Rainbow. It’s worth thinking about briefly. Had both parties developed a modus operandi worth its name we might have been spared successive FF/PD coalitions. We might have seen some interesting developments had DL had to sink or swim on its own (and let’s not even consider the effects on SF in that context). We might have seen FG and PD grow closer as they tried to carve out space on the right.

A lot of might have beens. But is it unreasonable to enquire as to whether our present situation would have been worsened by, say, a decade of FF/Labour government?

End of thought experiment. It never happened, we are where we are.

Again, and as usual, there is much to like in Gilmore’s speech. As the man who appears to have almost single handed brought it back from the brink of irrelevancy into a key player in the unfolding events of this period of time he has done remarkably well. He’s even managed to oversee some structural changes, which while I’m uncertain will assist in his endeavours, and arguably narrow the range of voices within the LP will no doubt play well with the media. Or as the IT notes:

Earlier, Mr Gilmore received a boost when an overwhelming majority voted to adopt a report proposing a new party constitution which will give greater power to head office in the choice of election candidates, bringing in a new administrative structure and redefining the relationship with the trade unions.

Ah, the much vaunted ‘reform’. Well, we’ll see how that plays out. There’s little doubt that the suspension of the strike tomorrow did Labour no harm at all this weekend. Was that, even in part, a favour? Who knows? Well, whoever, they’re not telling.

Interesting too to note a full-throated endorsement of Lisbon (with a mild caveat). That too will make for interesting times.

But beyond that, and I don’t want to diminish its effects, it is good that at least one voice is pointing out the bleeding obvious…

Let us be clear that the greatest false economy is to pay people to do nothing.

That means we must fight harder to keep the jobs we have. Who says that when a Dell or an Ericsson or an SR Technics decides to up sticks and move their plant abroad, that their Irish employees must inevitably be made redundant?

And also:

We are not going to solve this economic crisis unless we put jobs at the heart of everything we do. That is why Labour has been putting forward proposal after proposal, to save jobs, to create new jobs and to restimulate our economy.

That should up the poll rating by a few points. And perhaps make people think.

Go go go go go massive UFO*… More from those UK Government Files.

You may recall some time back a piece on the CLR which dealt with recently released files from the British government on UFO’s. As a complete sucker for UFO’s (which I hasten to add I’m also a complete sceptic about) and for archives, what happier combination could there be? One story in particular was of striking issue, which dealt with… well, I’ll requote the relevant sections of the post…

Then what of omissions? File DEFE-24/1940/1 on Page 114 details photographs taken of a UFO in Scotland in August 1990. Apparently ‘six colour photographs of a diamond shaped UFO and a Harrier jet were taken by two men. The pictures were given to the Scottish Daily Record who passed them to the MoD.’

Spookily… ‘however, the file does not contain the photographs’.

As interesting is the accompanying text of a ‘Loose Minute’ cc’d to the head of Sec, DD GE/AEW, DDPR (RAF).

1. ….Such stories are not normally drawn to the attention of Minsters and the MoD press office invariably responds to questions along well-established lines emphasising our limited interest in the UFO phenomenon and explaining that we do not have the resources to undertake any in-depth investigations into particular sightings. On this occasion however, the MoD has been provided with six photographic negatives of an alleged UFO by the Scottish Daily Record and has been asked for comments almost certainly for inclusion in a forthcoming story. For this reason it is felt that US of S(AF) should be made aware of the background and the line adopted by the DDPR (RAF) in responding to the newspaper.

2. The photographs, which were received on 10 Sept, are alleged to have been taken near the A9 road at Clavine, north of Pitlochrie on the evening of 4 August. They show a large stationery, diamond-shaped object past which, it appears, a small jet aircraft is flying. The negatives have been considered by the relevant staffs who have established that the jet aircraft is a Harrier (and also identified a barely visible second aircraft, again probably a Harrier) but have reached no definite conclusion regarding the large object. It has also been confirmed that there is no record of Harriers operating in the area at the time at which the photographs are alleged to have been taken. The negatives have now been returned to the Scottish Daily Record.

it continues:

3. In consultation with DDPR (RAF) it has been agreed that the attached lines to take should be used in responding to the Scottish Daily Record. These are consistent with the position adopted in the replies to the many public and occasionally parliamentary enquiries on the subject of UFOs.

And this instruction on lines it transpires is on a typewritten sheet with the following on it…

SCOTTISH DAILY RECORD – PHOTOGRAPHS OF UFO

DEFENSIVE LINES TO TAKE:

– Have looked a photographs, no definite conclusions reached regarding large diamond shaped object.
– confident that jet aircraft is a Harrier
– Have no record of Harriers operating in location at stated time/date.
– No other reports received by MoD of unusual air activity or sightings at location/date/time.

IF PRESSED

Who in MoD studied pictures?

– All sighting reports (including on occasion photographs/drawings etc) received by MoD are referred to the staff in the departments which are responsible for air defence of UK who examine them as part of their normal duties.

Other reports of UFOs from Scotland?

– UFO reports from Scotland are rare.

Sort of begs a fair few questions – doesn’t it? For example, if confident that the jet is a Harrier, does that imply that the photograph is ‘real’? Or that the diamond-shaped object is ‘real’. And what of the non sequiter about “UFO reports from Scotland are rare”. So what? But it’s the incuriosity about the sighting which is so odd. Do they take it seriously or not? Was it a photographer who mocked up in a cusp of Photoshop age some Harriers and a fake UFO? Or what?

…………

But lo! Strangers things on earth and the heavens… etc. The photograph has been released in the latest tranche. Or at least a photograph.

You can find it here.

and the file location is here.

And here it is.

ufo

In the precis of the files it’s noted by the following:

p37 – 38
Image (poor quality photocopy) of a large diamond-shaped UFO hovering over Calvine (Scotland) and what was later identified as a Harrier.

That latter surely has to be a masterpiece of understatement… “…later identified as a Harrier”.

Is that really a Harrier in front of the image. How big is the original photograph? How much has this been blown up in size? What of other aspects of the background that aren’t visible in the image as shown here? Whatever the truth I’m certain that this is all rather more prosaic than interstellar or interdimensional travellers.

There’s been a fair bit of talk that many sightings could be of covert US surveillance aircraft, and in particular the long-rumoured Aurora hypersonic aircraft which – so it is said – has been operational for decades now. And in this instance the almost blase attitude is remarkable. Which makes the notes reproduced in the file of the continuing investigation into the sighting all the more intriguing when they suggest that the…

“…sensitivity of material suggests very special handling”.

You’ve got to love that.

* Apologies to the Golden Horde for rewording their lyrics.

This weekend I’ll be mostly listening to… The Lime Spiders…

The Lime Spiders. An Australian 1980s garage rock band. I heard them sometime around 1987 on a psychedelic/garage rock sample cassette put together with a magazine by some fans in Kilbarrack. It was quite a sampler. Bands like The Crystal Set, the New Christs, The Fleshtones, the Chesterfield Kings and so on were on it. Much of it was US based, some of it Australian and even The Clean and The Chills made an appearance.

I liked the Lime Spiders. A punky raucous racket informed by metal but not overwhelmed by it. A lot more garage and psychedelia than one might expect. Something a bit silly about them too, but they seemed to know it (let’s just say that it doesn’t do us any good to delve too deep into the sexual politics of the songs). Although, that said, perhaps the lead singer Mick Blood (a man who kindly could be said to have a voice that sounds like he gargled with a razor blade each morning) should have thought of another surname… They never did hugely well, although one of their tracks graced the soundtrack of Young Einstein. Which somehow seems fitting. I bought everything I could of theirs either in the laughably termed Virgin ‘megastore’ down on the quays by O’Connell Bridge (they had fantastic reduced price sales on cassette tapes from ’87 onwards for a couple of years) and then later their last album on CD in London.

As seems near-inevitable these days they’ve reformed, which may be no bad thing. Anyhow, here is a sampling of tracks…

Weirdo Libido, with surely one of the most curiously awful videos of all time. I mean what point are they trying to make here?

And the descending riff in the song… hmmm…. always reminds me of… don’t laugh… Joy Division.

Just One Solution – again, WTF?

My Favourite Room – good kids always love their homes…

Jessica – not the way I’d try to break into the pop mainstream.

Volatile – classic riff…