Modern Turkey

Using a nationally representative dataset from Turkey, we examined the effects of national identity, religious identity, religious practice, and intergroup contact on social distance towards disliked groups along ethnic (Turks vs. Kurds), religious (Sunnis vs. Alevis) and ideological divides (supporters vs. opponents of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP). We used structural equation modeling (SEM) to examine two mechanisms (via perceived threat and empathy) through which ingroup identification and intergroup contact influence social distance toward disliked groups. Perceived threat, but not empathy, mediated the effect of national identification on higher social distance towards Kurds, AKP supporters and AKP opponents. Both perceived threat and empathy mediated the effects of religious practice on distance towards Alevis. Intergroup contact had both direct and indirect effects (via threat and empathy) on social distance. Multigroup SEM showed that contact's effects did not vary across outgroup targets. By contrast, the effects of national and religious identity on social distance varied depending on the outgroup target. The findings highlight the importance of considering identity content and meaning attached to social categories in making predictions about the influence of identification with different social categories. The study of intergroup relations in social and political psychology has contributed to our understanding of societal conflict by shedding light on the drivers of intergroup conflict and tensions. A growing body of literature has examined the consequences of ingroup identification with groups at different levels of inclusiveness (e.g., Wohl & Branscombe, 2005) and of intergroup contact (e.g., Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006) in predicting attitudes toward outgroups in conflict. Typically, this research has examined one set of intergroup relations or conflict at a time, often in a context or a target group chosen by the researchers. Intergroup tensions, however, exist across multiple social groups simultaneously, such as ethnic, religious, or ideological divides. Such contexts raise questions about the implications of identification with different groups, and of intergroup contact, for societal polarization (e.g., social exclusion). When conflict exists along different fault lines, the same group (e.g., religious) can serve as a superordinate, a cross-cutting, or an exclusive identity. Importantly, the meaning attached to social groups also matters. Some groups are judged positively, while others are seen as threatening. Therefore, ingroup identification should have different implications depending on both the boundaries and the content of group identity. In the present research, we examined the influence of identification with two important groups-national and religious-as well as the level of intergroup contact social distance along three main societal divisions in Turkey: the ethnic divide (Turks vs. Kurds), the religious divide (Sunni vs. Alevis), and the ideological divide (supporters vs. opponents of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP)-Justice

In the period immediately following the Second World War, as tensions between the two superpowers began to surface, Greek policy makers concentrated their efforts on two goals of vital importance for their nation’s survival: securing credible protection against a growing communist threat, domestic and external, and finding the resources and assistance needed to rebuild their devastated country. These objectives could be achieved only with the support of the Western world, especially the United States. But even as the Truman Doctrine provided assurances for the immediate future, there were other long term foreign policy interests, more modest and regional in nature, which led to the pursuit of other diplomatic initiatives. One of them was the search for a security arrangement in the Eastern Mediterranean, the subject of this essay. Initially a Turkish proposal, it envisioned a defensive agreement linking Turkey, Egypt and Greece, endorsed by the Western powers and associated with a similar pact for the Western Mediterranean. The Turkish initiative, which the Greek government was eager to support, met with little encouragement in Western capitals. In principle, Britain and the United States welcomed a Greek-Turkish rapprochement but wished to see the Arab world excluded from any regional alliance they did not themselves establish, especially as long as the question of Palestine remained unresolved. Moreover, in the late 1940s Washington’s priorities were clearly focused on the security of Western Europe, to which the United States formally committed itself under the North Atlantic Treaty in 1949. Initially, Greece was too weak, Turkey was too far and both were too vulnerable to Soviet aggression to be considered for membership in the “Atlantic community.” However, such calculations were suddenly rendered obsolete by the outbreak of the Korean Warin June 1950. Under the specter of a spreading East-West conflict and despite strong reservations from several allies, Turkey and Greece became members of NATO and received the commitments of military and economic assistance they had sought to gain through regional arrangements. With their membership, NATO’s areas of responsibility extended to the shores of the Eastern Mediterranean.
      This is a historically important subject, expertly examined by utilizing American, British and Greek archival sources. It sheds new light on Turkish and Greek diplomatic initiatives in search of regional security as Cold War tensions engulfed the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. And it offers insights into NATO’s historic decision to extend its reach to the entire length of the Mediterranean.

Con questa preziosa analisi Carlo Pallard tratteggia un vivace e puntuale disegno della storia più recente di questo complesso Paese, del suo tormentato percorso verso la modernità. Un cammino segnato da colpi di stato riusciti e da altri falliti, da processi riformatori e da regressioni autoritarie. Da aperture laiche e da chiusure tradizionaliste dell'ideologia islamica. Chiarisce quello che è stato il ruolo reale del potere militare nella vicenda storica della Turchia. Ruolo che spesso in Occidente è stato equivocato e addirittura mitizzato. Getta una luce sui passaggi cruciali della storia repubblicana della Turchia la cui corretta conoscenza è di fondamentale importanza per interpretare con fedeltà, senza distorsioni, anche questa fase politica transitoria dalle prospettive incerte per il futuro del paese. La Turchia, da quello che appare nei media è un paese di cui si parla molto, ma di cui si conosce molto poco... e si scrive altrettanto poco, in particolare in Italia. Ragion per cui il lettore in questo saggio troverà una utile e fedele chiave interpretativa dell'evoluzione del complesso quadro politico della Turchia dal 1960 ad oggi, utile soprattutto per comprendere quella che sembra essere la parabola discendente dell'era di Erdoğan e del suo partito.

(Dalla prefazione di Mariano Giustino)

Funeral of the Acrobat (“Cambazın Cenazesi”) written by Firuze Engin, directed by Berfin Zenderlioğlu as a production of IkinciKat theatre in Istanbul is a new breath in Turkey’s theatre field; but beyond its local importance, it is a very important rebellion against the Anglocentric current of the contemporary world. The theatricality of this play paradigmatically contradicts with Anglophone theatre’s purist obsession to grasp “authenticity”, which is a paradigm still colonially distributed through media and academia. The play’s staging is revolutionary in the most pre-modern way: two performers use the “meddah” technique to embody the narrators and eleven characters each, where they tell and act the story without a fourth wall. Putting two “meddahs” in dialogue is a surprising use of tradition since the comedic “meddah” storytelling technique is known to be a solo performance tradition which originated in Anatolia and Mesopotamia. These two “meddahs” act on a stage designed with shadow images appearing in light screens behind them, images which also refer to the tradition of shadow puppetry in Turkey. Two “meddahs” sometimes go behind these screens and become a part of the shadows of the story and dissolve in the allegorical landscape. On the other hand Funeral of the Acrobat has a concrete dramatic structure with a chain of events layering from the most personal to the most social where the fictional Western Thracian village Yapıldak slowly becomes a microcosm of the transformation of the Turkish society in the last decade as a result of rapidly precipitating neoliberal urban transformation. Yapıldak exists in the same parallel universe of the planet Solaris of Stanislaw Lem, country of Uqbar of Jorge Luis Borges, or the town Macondo of Gabriel Garcia Márquez where allegory devours life and creates a habitat of truth beyond the stagnating pornography of our contemporary and mediatised “reality”.

This study explores who Turkish citizens view as the Other, their perceptions, evaluations, and the degree of Othering of these groups in the private and public spheres. Drawing from varied political science and social psychology literature, it also examines the role of social contact, perceived threat, and the strength of national and religious identification in predicting levels of Othering. Using a national representative sample, the findings reveal that Kurds are the most Othered group in the private sphere, while both Kurds and AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – Justice and Development Party) supporters are the most Othered groups in the public sphere. Regardless of who the Other is, lower social contact and higher levels of perceived threat are associated with higher levels of Othering of Kurds, Alevis, AKP supporters, and AKP opponents in both the private and public spheres.

Keywords: Othering, Turkey, polarisation, ethnicity, sectarianism, ideological divide

Modern Türkiye’de Siyasî Düşünce külliyatının Modernleşme ve Batıcılık cildini inceleyeceğiz. Bu cilt dizinin diğer kitapları gibi çeşitli düşünürlerin yazılarından oluşmaktadır. Külliyat siyasi fikirlere odaklanmışken bu cildin de Türkiye’nin batılılaşma çabasındaki siyasi durumu ele aldığı görülmektedir.

This dissertation examines Istanbul as a geographical and historical totality and focuses on four different and integral parts of this totality: its Ottoman past, its dalliances with modern planning attempts, the city’s death throes in the face of rabid industrialization efforts, and its first true real estate boom. These divergent parts are scrutinized through the relationship between the state and space.
This work investigates the different modes a city takes under different configurations of a state composed of, but not limited to, cultural, ethnic, religious, class-based, formal, and spatial elements. By studying Istanbul alone, it is possible to gauge divergent trajectories of the production of space that the city takes.
The changes in Istanbul’s state-spaces are studied in five stages: the first involves the urban theory that engendered my critical stance on Istanbul and the production of space and how revolutionary urbanism can be harnessed to a re-evaluation of a semiperipheral metropolis.
The second part is related to an attempt in unraveling the early modern historical characteristics of the city and its overdetermining role in the formation of state mechanisms.
The third part unearths the rupture that modernity instigated in the urban fabric and conjoining state institutions and mentalities that shaped the city.
The fourth part focuses on the industrialization and population boom of the second part of the 20th century and locates the consequence of social developments in the urban space: the squatter settlements, the gecekondus.
The fifth part grasps the cycles of boom and bust in the real estate investments in Istanbul and is concerned in the concrete production of space of the five decades since 1965. Amidst the interplay of various elements, the emergent middle class in Istanbul and its social and historical moorings in the urban built environment are revealed to be rooted in the erstwhile squatters, in the gecekondu areas.

Osmanlı Devleti'nin egemenliği altındaki toplulukları din ya da mezhep esasına göre örgütleyerek yönetmesine " millet sistemi " denilmekteydi. 1 Osmanlı'daki " millet " kavramı bir dine veya mezhebe bağlı olanlar topluluğu anlamında olduğu için büyük ölçüde İslam hukukunu temel alıyordu ve bu " millet sistemi " de farklı din ve mezhep-teki tebaanın siyasal yönetsel ve yargısal ilişkilerini düzenleyen bir kurum olarak ortaya çıkıyordu. 2

Tarihsel derinlikleriyle Türkiye’de ayrı bir konumu bulunan KOBİ’lerin kurumsal geçmişi Ahiliğe, fütüvvetnamelere, loncalara kadar uzanıyor. Türkiye’nin dünü -ister gezici olsun, ister çarşıda ya da mahallede dükkan açmış bulunsun- esnaf, sanatkar, küçük ve orta ölçekte tacirin ağırlığını koyduğu bir ekonomik yapıdan güç alıyor. Küçük ve orta büyüklükteki işletmelerin (KOBİ) istihdam, yenilik ve genel ekonomik dinamizme sağladığı katkı, artık tartışma götürmez bir gerçek. Ülkemizde KOBİ’lerin toplam kredilerden aldığı pay son derece düşük. Bu oran Japonya’da %50, Güney Kore’de %47, ABD’de %43 iken, Türkiye’de yalnızca %5. Farklılaşan ve sürekli değişen ihtiyaçlar, esnek ve dinamik bir üretimi gerekli kılıyor. Bu ise optimum üretim ölçeği küçültülmüş, yönetim ve denetim işlevleri etkinleştirilmiş, pazara uyum yeteneği artırılmış KOBİ’lerle mümkün olabiliyor.

Dinin siyasete alet edilmemesi, din ve devlet işlerinin ayrıştırılması ve
toplumsal dinin laiklik ile dengeli bir görünüm arz etmesi meselesi uzun
yıllardır Türkiye’nin gündemindedir. Gerek dünyada gerekse de Türkiye’de
dinin toplumsal görünümü arttıkça, din ve siyaset ilişkisi daha da tartışmalı hale gelmektedir. Kamusal ve toplumsal alanda dini referansların yoğunlaştığı durumlarda Kemalist ideoloji özellikle laiklik ve modernizm ilkeleri bağlamında çeşitli refleksler ortaya koymaktadır. Kemalist ideolojinin ilkeleri açısından “sekülerlik ve laiklik” kavramları uygulama bağlamında seküler fundamentalizm olarak karşımıza çıkmakta; din ve siyaset ilişkisinin Türkiye’ye yönelik değerlendirmesinde farklı bir bakış açısı sunmaktadır.
Kemalizm, sekülerizm ve fundamentalizmi tartışmak için öncelikle
kavramsal çerçevenin çizilmesi gerekmektedir. Çalışmada laiklik, sekülerizm ve fundamentalizm ilişkisi bağlamında Kemalizm’in Türkiye uygulamalarının seküler fundamentalizme nasıl dönüştüğü tartışılmaktadır. Sekülerizm daha çok toplumsal yaşamın bir parçası olarak değerlendirilirken, laiklik rejimin korunması noktasında siyasal bir kavram olarak nitelendirilmektedir. Çalışma, kavramsal farklılıkların yanı sıra Kemalist ideolojinin laiklik ilkesinin uygulanmasının seküler fundamentalizme dönüştüğünü vurgulamaktadır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Fundamentalizm, Kemalizm, Laiklik, Modernleşme,
Seküler Fundamentalizm, Sekülerizm.
KEMALISM AND SECULAR FUNDAMENTALISM
Abstract: The issue concerning religion should not be an instrument for
politics; the separation of religion and state affairs and the social religious appearance to have a balanced appearance with secularism has long been in the agenda of the world and our country. As the social aspect of religion grows, the relationship between religion and politics is becoming more controversial in the world, as well as in our country. When religious references are concentrated in public and social space, Kemalist ideology reveals various reflexes, especially in the context of the principles of secularism and modernism. In terms of the principles of Kemalist ideology, secularism emerges as secular fundamentalism; offering a different perspective in the assessment of the relationship between religion and politics in Turkey.
In order to examine Kemalism, secularism and fundamentalism, it is
primarily necessary to draw the conceptional framework of these concepts. In the study, how the Turkey practices of Kemalism were transformed to fundamentalizm is discussed within the context of secularism and fundamentalism relationship. While secularism is mostly evaluated as a part of
social life, it is described as a political concept in the point of the defense of secular regime. It is argued that the Kemalist ideology practices secularity by transforming it into a fundamentalist form.
Keywords: Fundamentalism, Kemalism, Laicism, Modernization, Secular
Fundamentalism, Secularism.

Cihan Harbi Avrupa’yı karanlık bir evreye sokuyor, 19. yüzyılın refah ortamını sonlandırırken kararsızlıklarla dolu bir dönemi başlatıyordu. Türkiye insanının bu gelişmelerden etkilenmemesi düşünülemezdi. Üstelik Cumhuriyet Türkiyesi  hilafeti ve saltanatı kaldırmış, Batı’ya yönelmiş, “yeni hayat” özlemiyle yaşam tarzında köklü dönüşümlere gitmişti. Reform kaygıları, seküler yaşam özlemi, Osmanlı kültür kodlarının sorgulanışı, nesiller arası uyumsuzluklar yoksul ülkenin insanlarını her geçen gün çözümsüzlüğe yöneltmişti. 30’lu yıllarda “ideal”lerle donatılmış kendi “yeni insan”ına ulaşıncaya kadar Türkiye inkılaplarla toplumsal travmayı birlikte yaşayacaktı. Jön Türklerin İkinci Meşrutiyet yıllarına özgü sosyoloji tutkularının yerini bu kez Cumhuriyet’le birlikte psikoloji ve psikiyatri alıyordu. Durkheim’in pabucu dama atılmış, Freud’a ve Bergson’a umut bağlanmıştı. 
Türkiye’de Yeni Hayat 1908-1928 çağdaş yaşam özleminin toplumsal travmaya dönüşümünün öyküsü. Nüfus sorunu başta olmak üzere, kadının, gençliğin, çocuğun erkek Cumhuriyet döneminde karşılaştıkları sorunları ele alan Zafer Toprak uzun savaş yıllarının neden olduğu bunalımı, yoksulluğun neden olduğu fuhuşu,  intiharlarla sonuçlanan umutsuzluğu dönemin kaynaklarına başvurarak gün ışığına çıkarıyor.

Meşrutiyet’in ilanı Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda kamuoyunun ilk kez vücut bulduğu olaylarla gerçekleşti. Eylemler, mitingler, toplantılar ve durdurulan grevler... Daha sonra 1908’e canlılığını veren kamuoyu, Bosna-Hersek’in Avusturya tarafından ilhakı ve Bulgaristan’ın bağımsızlığını ilan etmesi üzerine bir kez daha sokağın gücünü ve kendiliğindenliğini ele geçirdi. “Osmanlı Fes Boykotu” olarak bilinen süreçte halk, kendi inisiyatifini kullanarak Avusturya ve Bulgaristan mallarına karşı bir boykot başlattı. Avusturya’dan ithal edilmekte olan fes ile simgesini bulan boykot kısa bir sürede daha düzenli ve İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti tarafından yönlendirilen eylemler halini aldı. İlk defa gerçek bir savaşla değil de “harb-i iktisadî” ile başarılı olunan bu süreçte 1908’in ilham verdiği Osmanlılık fikri canlılığına kavuşurken, millî iktisat icadı da ortaya çıktı. Millî bir sanayi kurmak gerekliliği ve bunun için gereken nedenlerin kolayca devşirilmesi ile 1908 Boykotu, pek çok siyasal mobilizasyon faktörünü aynı anda devreye sokmuş oldu. Y. Doğan Çetinkaya 1908 Osmanlı Boykotu: Bir Toplumsal Hareketin Analizi çalışmasında günlük basının etkisiyle, siyasal mobilizasyonun kitleler üzerindeki gücüyle, kitlelerin kendiliğindenliğiyle, milliyetçiliğin farklı renklerdeki yansımalarıyla bu toplumsal hareketin özelliklerine ve önemine dikkat çekiyor. Geniş kapsamlı bir arşiv çalışması, soru sormak konusunda gösterdiği özen ve cevaplarındaki toklukla bu kitap II. Meşrutiyet döneminin dünyasına, insanlarına içeriden, “aşağıdan” ve onların tarafından bakıyor.

Bilge Strateji dergisi yılda iki kere Bilge Adamlar Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi (BİLGESAM) tarafından yayınlanan hakemli bir dergidir. EBSCOhost, CIAO ve ASOS tarafından taranmakta ve dizinlenmektedir. Dergide ifade edilen görüş ve fikirler yalnızca yazarlara aittir, BİLGESAM'ın düşünce ve politikasını yansıtan metinler olarak değerlendirilemez. Bilge Strateji Dergisi'nin tüm hakları saklıdır. İzinsiz yayımlanamaz. Kaynak gösterilerek alıntı yapılabilir. BILGESAM's Wise Strategy Journal is a peer-reviewed journal published on a biannual basis.

In recent years, global warming has been one of the most popular headlines in the international agenda. Numerous researches had been made to detect the main sources of the global climate change and they concluded as the most important reason is the greenhouse gas emissions that ran out of control. United Nations lead the international efforts against these sources and publish reports about personal and global precautions that have to be taken. Almost every region and sector seems to be the possible victims of global warming. Tourism is one of the sectors currently facing and expecting the future destructive consequences. Besides taking necessary precautions against the impacts of global warming over tourism, authorities should prepare the tourism countries like Turkey for the future conjuncture. In order to attract enough interest, some of the world famous people have been in the big campaigns run against this global threat. Although the importance and possible impacts of the fact is so high, current campaigns and international efforts so far don‟t seem to be enough for global awareness and action.
Keywords: Climate Change, Global Warming, Greenhouse Gases, Kyoto Protocol, Tourism, Turkish Tourism

Throughout this investigation, my main purpose is to deliberately investigate the relation between the rise of the political Islam and emergence of the social media in the case of Turkey. In theory, my main focus will be the alterations in the media concept under the rule of Justice and Development Party(AKP). I will try to explain how political Islam perceives and utilizes the media elements and how it affects the perception and usage of media in Turkey. Then, I will focus on the shifts in media under the AKP rule. By shifts, what I mean is that the oppositions of the political Islam had been moving into other media elements rather than TV and newspapers, since the AKP reign had began. However, the pace of this transition had always changed according to the circumstances in Turkey. According to RTUK statistics, the percentage of the people watching TV for at least 2-3 hours per day, was %75 in 2006, when AKP was relatively new; whilst in 2018, the same percentage decreased to %44(RTÜK, 2006).According to another research, the people using the internet for more than 1 hour is %95.7 and the people using the social media for more than 1 hour is %76.2 in the year of 2015 in Turkey(RTÜK,2016). Therefore, it is fair to claim that the media elements of the country had changed during the rule of AKP. Apparently, this change is affected by technological and global shifts in the world.

Covid-19 brought to the surface many structural vulnerabilities in the Western Balkans, a European periphery marked by its weak economies and inefficient and underfinanced healthcare and social welfare systems. There has been a pressing need for external support and several external actors (such as the EU, China, Russia and Turkey) have stepped in to provide assistance. Under normal circumstances, the prompt response of a plurality of actors should have been a very positive development for the region. However, this is not entirely the case. External actors have been in direct competition in a fierce race for geopolitical influence and preeminence, striving to position themselves ahead of the others for the challenges and opportunities of the post-pandemic period. The EU distinguishes itself from the other external actors for its comprehensive pandemic-related assistance to the region, which has exceeded €3.3 billion. Its concerns cover a range of priorities, from supporting national healthcare systems to stimulating socioeconomic recovery. The EU has also donated more than 23 million pieces of personal protective equipment, as well as dozens of ambulances, ventilators and intensive care monitors. Moreover, Brussels has given €70 million for the procurement of EU-approved vaccines; promised to provide 651,000 vaccine doses until August 2021; and said it would also deliver more than 1.1 million vaccine doses until June 1 www.consilium.europa.eu/en/infographics/covid-support-western-balkans-health-vaccines/.

This study explores labour relations in Turkey under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) in the first ten years of the twenty-first century. Labour policies followed by the JDP, which is conservative in terms of socio-cultural policy and liberal in terms of economic policy, bring to unionization a government stance that may be defined as authoritarian flexibilization, that is, flexibility in labour policies in the government’s favour, but at the expense of the worker. The JDP has deepened the neoliberal heritage and experience of the period after the 1980s by appropriating them for its own anti-labour purposes. The JDP’s effort to institutionalize flexibility in terms of both labour legislation and actual labour relations has actually resulted in an adversial attitude toward unionisation. The party has accomplished this goal by merging its conservative roots with its neoliberal tendency. As a result, unionisation has significantly decreased under JDP rule. In this study, the roots and basic characteristics of labour policies in the period of the JDP are discussed, based upon an examination of individual and collective labour relations.

Individual Giving and Philanthropy in Turkey 2021 Report, which presents comprehensive and up-to-date data on individual giving and philanthropy. Co-authored by Prof. Dr. Ali Çarkoğlu and Assoc. Professor Selim Erdem Aytaç from Koç University Center for Civil Society and Philanthropy Research, the report presents data under sections Perceptions of Civil Society, Individual Giving and Giving Motivations in Turkey. Referencing the earlier research conducted by TÜSEV, the report also provides a comparative analysis of the change that took place in the field of individual giving in Turkey over a 15-year period. We hope that the report we published will contribute to the field of individual giving in Turkey.

This book offers an in-depth overview of Turkish history and politics essential for understanding contemporary Turkey. It presents an analysis on a number of key issues from gender inequality to Islamism to urban regeneration. Based on interviews with leading intellectuals and academics from Turkey, the book’s theme follows the dramatic transformations that have occurred from the 1980 military coup to the coup attempt of 2016 and its aftermath. It further draws attention to the global flows of capital, goods, ideas, and technologies that continue to influence both mainstream and dissident politics. By doing so, the book tries to unsettle the assumption that Erdoğan and his Islamic ideology are the sole actors in contemporary Turkey. This book provides unusual insight into the Turkish society bringing various topics together, and increases the dialogue for people interested in democratic struggles in 21st century under neoliberal authoritarian regimes in general

Patterns of Nationhood and Saving the State in Turkey tackles a  theoretical puzzle in understanding the state policy changes toward minorities and  nationhood, first by placing the state in the historical context of the international system and second by unpacking the state through analysis of intra-elite competition in relation to the counter-discourses by minority groups within the context of the Ottoman Empire and Turkey.
What explains the persistence and change in state policies toward  minorities and nationhood? Under what conditions do states change their policies toward minorities? Why do the state elites reconsider the state- minority relations and change government policies toward nationhood? Adopting a comparative-historical analysis, the book unpacks these  research questions and builds a theoretical framework by looking at three paradigmatic policy changes: Ottomanism in the mid-19th century, Turkish nationalism in the early 1920s, and multiculturalism in Turkey in the early 2000s. While the book reveals the role of international context, intrastate elite competition, and non-state actors in such policy changes, it argues that state elites adopt either exclusionary or inclusionary policies based on the idea of “survival of the state.”

OSMANLI'DA MARKSİZM VE SOSYALİZM DERLEYEN: Y. DOĞAN ÇETİNKAYA Osmanlı sosyal st hareket n n farklı b leşenler n n teor k öncüller ve ben msed kler s yasal stratej y oluşturan temel lkeler durağan olmaktan z yade sürekl olarak değ şen ve evr len b r b ç me sah pt r. Bu b leşenler hem kend f krî ve örgütsel prat kler hem Osmanlı sosyal zm n n d ğer b leşenler yle olan etk leş mler hem de uluslararası sosyal st ve şç hareket ndek f krî arayış ve stratej k yönel mlerden beslenm şler ve kend yapılarını buna uygun b ç mde dönüştürmüşlerd r. Gazete ve derg lerden send kalara, şç örgütler nden t yatro sahneler ne uzanan b r performansla… Son dönem Osmanlı sosyal st ve şç hareket üzer ne çalışan akadem syenler n çabalarıyla b ç mlenen Osmanlı'da Marks zm ve Sosyal zm, hem mparatorluk "tebaası"nın sosyal zm ve Marks zmle kurduğu l şk ler n ayrıntılarına yönel yor hem de tar hyazımı açısından alanın katett ğ mesafey tartışıyor. Y. Doğan Çet nkaya'nın ed törlüğünde İ.

Müslüman halklar ve özellikle Türk halkı aşın duygusal; özellikle çok sevdiği dini söz konusu olduğunda Türk halkı neden asırlardır sürekli bir biçimde aldatılıyor?
Yanıtın Kur’an’da olduğuna inanıyorum Kur’an Allah ile aldatılmayın! ihtarında bulunuyor Neden? Çünkü Allah ile aldatılanların en büyük sorunu aldatıldıklarının farkında olma imk nından büyük ölçüde yoksun bulunmalarıdır Çünkü derinden inandıkları ve içtenlikle teslim oldukları bir değer kendilerinin aleyhinde kullanılıyor

The Eastern Aegean Islands are demilitarized under Article 13 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty. Pursuant to said Article, Greece cannot have naval base and establish fortifications in the islands.
No international document has provided Greece the right to militarize the islands in question. Besides that except for the circumstances stated in the United Nations Charter, the principle of self-defense cannot be arbitrarily evoked. As for the Aegean Army of Turkey, it should be underlined that contrary to the status of the Eastern Aegean Islands, the Turkish territories of the Aegean region are not under any demilitarized status.
The demilitarization provisions are essential to the accomplishment of the purpose of the 1923 Lausanne Peace Treaty. It is worthwhile to remember how İsmet Pasha as head of the Turkish Delegation explained the Turkish views on 25 November 1922 in the Territorial and Military Commission of the Lausanne Conference regarding the sovereignty and demilitarization of the said islands. He said in this respect that “The Aegean islands, which depended geographically on Asia Minor, were of great importance for the peace and security of Anatolia.”
It should be kept in mind that there is a direct linkage between the possession of sovereignty over those islands and their demilitarized status. Demilitarization is the essential precondition of Greek sovereignty over these islands. It can be emphasized that demilitarization clauses are sine quo non for the Aegean status quo. Trying to replace this status quo with faits accomplis is equivalent to opening Pandora’s Box which is to be carefully avoided.

""""“Refik Halid Türkçeyi en iyi yazan muharrirdir.”
                                   
                                                                                            Ziya Gökalp

“Nesir yazarları içinde dilini en güzel bulduğum yazar Refik Halid’dir.  İşte tam İstanbul Türkçesi… Yakup Kadri temiz, seçkin ve derin bir yazardır. Ama ben yine onu Refik Halid’den üstün bulamam. Çünkü Refik Halid’den daha kolay lezzet alırım, hayalim yorulmaz…”

                                                                                                    Ömer Seyfeddin

“Meşrutiyet”in bize getirdiği yegâne Avrupaî yenilik Refik Halid’dir.”

                                                                                                      Prens Sebahaddin


Refik Halid Karay 20. yüzyıl Türkiyesi’nde bilhassa siyasi mizah yazılarıyla etkili olmuş önemli bir şahsiyettir. Çökmekte olan Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun kültürel manada yaşadığı ağır sancıları eserlerinde işleyen ve yine çöken bu imparatorluğun mirası üzerine inşaa edilen Türk Devleti’nin kuruluşu aşamasında yaptığı siyasi faaliyetleri ile dönemin en önemli aktörlerinden biri hâline gelen Refik Halid, II.
Meşrutiyet dönemi ile Cumhuriyet devrinin başlarında yaşanan olayları eserlerinde incelikle yorumlayarak kaleme almıştır.

Türkçe’nin en büyük üstadlarından Refik Halid Karay’ın hayatı, siyasi faaliyetleri, eserleri ve eserlerine yansıyan düşünce dünyası üzerine hazırlanan bu eserde, II. Meşrutiyet’ten 1960’lara kadar olan dönemde Karay’ın bu önemli tarihî sürece ilişkin en temel fikirleri doğrultusunda Türk siyasi ve kültürel hayatına katkıları ele alınmıştır.

Yeditepe Yayınevi, Mayıs 2013, İstanbul,
376 s.
ISBN:978-605-5200-20-6"""

http://www.kitapyurdu.com/kitap/default.asp?id=655018

http://www.yeditepeyayinevi.com/tanim.asp?sid=ALQW6XOZCD0DK7HXBTJU

http://www.dr.com.tr/Kitap/Yakin-Donem-Turk-Tarihinde-Refik-Halid-Karay/Yenal-Unal/Edebiyat/Biyografi-Oto-Biyografi/urunno=0000000444611

http://www.kitapadresi.com/yenal-unal/yakin-donem-turk-tarihinde-refik-halid-karay.htm

July 24th is the 93rd anniversary of the Peace Treaty of Lausanne. The Lausanne Treaty is an important international contract that was negotiated, signed, and ratified by almost all important participants of the First World War. It is not only a crucial treaty due to the identity of the participating countries, but it is also crucial due to the scope of subject areas it covers. It is a treaty that covers political, military,  economic, and humanitarian issues that appertains to the Ottoman Empire and Eastern Front of the First World War. It would not be farfetched to argue that it does not only effect the signatory countries, but has wide ranging ramifications for third-party countries. This paper deals with the demands for revision, alteration, or termination for this treaty and how such demands should be evaluated.