Only a few years ago Mrs Thatcher dominated British politics more completely than any other recent British politician. She seemed bent on imposing on British society and economy a thoroughgoing transformation, brooking no opposition, braving all contention and division. However, already in her last years in office the much-touted ‘economic miracle’ seemed to have evaporated as familiar problems of inflation and recession, and newer ones of social and infrastructural neglect, came into view. Despite her unequalled political success, the otherwise enigmatic John Major gave one clear signal in prudently distancing himself from her legacy from the beginning, at the risk of appearing—especially in contrast—directionless. The mainstream media, which had provided indispensable ballast to Thatcherism in its heyday, turned from narrow neoliberal verities to the view that government had an important role to play in economic, infrastructural as well as social arenas—that not all solutions could be found in the market. If this were not enough to mark the advent of a definitively post-Thatcherite era, the aftermath of Thatcherism brought the sober realization that, despite its tumult and contention, it may have had a less profound historical impact than its stridently proclaimed ambitions had led most to believe.

The Decline of Britishness in Scotland since 1979 This study examines the decline of British identity in Scotland from 1979 to the present. It shows that the main cause of this decline in the period between the two devolution referendums of 1979 and 1997 was the realignment of the values and meaning of Britishness under the Thatcher governments. It cites the emergence of Scottish civil society, both in opposition to Thatcherism and as the conduit for massive constitutional change, as the main expression of Scottish national identity. In the same period there was a cultural renaissance embracing literature, drama, poetry and music; a widespread renewal of interest in Scottish history; and an assertion of Scottishness in the media and sport which profoundly influenced popular opinion. The paper explores substantial data material from various surveys, studies and polls and concludes that the accumulated evidence of decline is convincing and conclusive. The paper considers the contemporary perspectives of historians, sociologists and political scientists and rejects the view of some that Britishness remains a vibrant identity in the twenty-first century. It argues that the decline of Britishness in Scotland has remained consistent since 1997 and that political attempts to redefine and revive Britishness as a national identity of common cultures and values will fail, at least in Scotland. The paper concludes that shared interests today are just as likely to be influenced by European and global cultures as by narrow or historical concepts of Britishness. This is particularly acute among younger Scots who are neither wedded to post-war Britishness nor anti-Thatcher Scottishness. They have assumed their national identity at a time when the nation has become more self-confident and has acquired an identity that is mature and pluralistic. On this stage the only role for Britishness is as the agent of citizenship.

This article makes the case for employing the statecraft approach (associated with the late Jim Bulpitt) to assess political leadership in Britain. Rather than ‘importing’ methodologies from the US, as some scholars have done, statecraft is preferred in the UK context for two main reasons. First, statecraft is concerned with the motives and behaviour of leadership cliques, and as a result, it is more appropriate for the collective leadership style that is a characteristic of parliamentary systems such as that in Britain. Second, statecraft goes some way towards incorporating a sense of structural context into our evaluation of leadership performance. This need to take into account the broader institutional constraints facing chief executives is something that an increasing number of academics in this area have been calling for. The utility of the approach is illustrated through a case study of the Blair administration.

This book provides a systematic outline of New Labour's ideas and policies. The authors show how the Party s economic and social policies are more neo–liberal and conservative than ever before. To counter accusations that New Labour is Old Labour updated or Thatcherism mark II, they explain how Labour has gone beyond social democracy and is shaped by Thatcherism, yet different from it. New Labour: Politics after Thatcherism shows how the New Labour Party has looked to the USA, Europe, Australasia and East Asia for inspiration. It outlines the path of modernization which led to the Blair revolution. Driver and Martell explain the role of big ideas such as communitarianism, globalization and stakeholding. And they provide a full introduction to and interpretation of New Labour's policies on the economy, welfare and constitutional reform. Students and general readers will find this an accessible introduction to New Labour ideology and policy. Experts will find a new interpretation, which breaks with other perspectives on Labour under Blair.

Secessionist movements have been found historically on both sides of the political spectrum, and sometimes have tried to remain apolitical completely, but because of the rise of partisan politics, secessionism has inevitably become politicized. Variations in Western European secessionism can be noticed, and as such, explanations put forward may be deemed insufficient, or incomplete. In my thesis I tested the hypothesis that secessionism varied on the political spectrum because it has been consolidated against ideological Others (in Scotland against Thatcher’s Conservatives between 1974 and 1990). I tested this methodologically through process tracing and theoretically by looking at the consolidation of the Scottish National Party through reactive nationalism. Specifically I analyzed the nationalist discourse used to justify ideological positioning in the 1970s and 1980s in propaganda materials and archival documents, and if and how this ideological choice was reflected or interpreted in newspapers (for opinions on how this consolidation was perceived by the electorate).