Marginalization

Recent scholarship on belonging examines how temporary transnational low-wage migrant workers find belonging in the host country. While this is possible for some migrant groups, it overlooks those groups who cannot. This study examines how mutually reinforcing socio-spatial processes converge to produce the unequal distribution of belonging experienced by low-wage migrants at the margins of the margin. Drawing from the emotional narratives of forty-four temporary migrant workers from eleven different countries employed in low-wage work in Dubai in the United Arab Emirates, the study reveals the exclusionary processes that limit belonging. These processes are rooted in historical hierarchies established by the state and socioeconomic elite along the lines of nationality, race, and ethnicity. The hierarchies are reinforced using socio-spatial disciplinary mechanisms that create and maintain low-wage labor. Social exclusion and the devaluing of certain nationalities are further reinforced within the space of worker accommodation in relation to the stratification of low-wage migrant groups whose behavior replicates society's vertical hierarchies. Analysis focuses specifically on the scale of the room—the cramped, confined space that low-wage migrants share—, how it was experienced spatially, socially, and emotionally, and how it can be a pathway or barrier to accessing a sense of belonging.

Despite being recognized as one of the greatest playwrights of all time, Shakespeare is well known to have many problematic relationships to power that are extended into his texts. One example of this is patriarchy and his portrayal of women, and lack thereof. The Tempest is an example of this through Shakespeare's near total exclusion of women from the play. Miranda is the only women that ever appears in this play, and the only other one that is mentioned is Sycorax, who is dead long before the events of the play take place. This leaves limited options when examining gender relations within the play. The portrayal of Miranda serves as a good point of analysis as the only woman, however, particularly in her relationship to her father. Prospero, her father, is one of the major perpetrators of this, as he keeps her isolated and controls what she learns, which serves to maintain his power over her and the island. He uses many techniques of patriarchal abuse in order to keep this power dynamic upheld. On top of this all, Prospero also uses rhetorical objectification within his discussion of Miranda and planning of his future, as he seems to care little about her feelings or needs. These examples help us to understand how patriarchy pervades the play and shades our understanding of the characters within away from what Shakespeare and his audience may have perceived. Rather than the good, heroic wizard that audiences may have perceived him to be, I argue that these analyses prove that Prospero is not heroic, but abusive, controlling and hungry for power.

Baril, Alexandre (2018). « Conférence d’honneur : “Vivre avec” la mort : développer une éthique de la reconnaissance et de la responsabilité envers les personnes suicidaires », The Poetics and Ethics of “Living With”: Indigenous, Canadian and Québécois Feminist Production Today/Les poétiques et éthiques du « vivre avec » : Productions féministes autochtones, canadiennes et québécoises de nos jours, Colloque organisé par le Canadian Literature Centre of the University of Alberta, Banff Centre, Banff, 13 octobre.

This article discusses how the deep-rooted Shona hegemony across all fields of cultural practice in Zimbabwe has compelled some Ndebele arts performers to use Shona language in order to appeal culturally to a Shona audience. Ndebele performing artists have been marginalised if they have not produced artistic works that align themselves with Shona-oriented world views. Primarily using a Bourdieu-inspired theoretical framework, we expose Zimbabwe’s ‘Shona-centric habitus’, and how it functions as an unspoken law that devalues non-Shona towns and cities, particularly how it generates self-censorship and self-subordination among some Ndebele artists. Through an analysis of cultural productions by artists of Ndebele origin, this article analyses how power operates, how hegemony is constructed and ultimately how culture is constrained in Zimbabwe.

Cet article retrace le parcours atypique de Jean Chacornac (1823–1873) dans l’astronomie française du Second Empire. Commis de bazar à Marseille devenu en quelques années astronome titulaire de l’observatoire de Paris, Chacornac est finalement bouté violemment hors de la prestigieuse institution astronomique. Outre la reconstitution d’une «affaire» largement oubliée, opposant dans une lutte asymétrique cet astronome autodidacte d’extraction modeste au personnage le plus éminent de l’astronomie française, Le Verrier, le cas Chacornac nous permet ici d’éclairer les dessous de ce moment important du processus de professionnalisation de l’astronomie. Écarté de l’institution, Chacornac se donne les moyens de continuer à être astronome en pratiquant une astronomie autonome, «par en bas», et d’une ambition technique considérable. Mais la construction d’une nouvelle identité sociale élitaire pour l’astronome d’Etat, par Le Verrier notamment, s’accompagne alors de la fabrication de stigmates sociaux indélébiles maintenant Chacornac dans un statut d’«amateur obligé».

Published as a result of a contributions to a number of international seminars and workshop, this paper gives an overview of conviviality as a critique in response to current issues, a horizon for the future and conclusions for policy and practice of the churches, civil society and governments

Nos résultats montrent que le personnel infirmier se trouve « coincé » entre une philosophie caritative associée aux idéaux infirmiers (éléments fondateurs) et une philosophie coercitive (sécuritaire) associée au milieu psycho-légal. Parallèlement, nous notons que les dynamiques de groupe sont des facteurs non négligeables au regard du sentiment de sécurité et de gestion des comportements violents. D’une part, on fait mention de l’expérience des hommes qui implique une vulnérabilité (souffrance) liée au maintien de sécurité et au besoin de protéger leurs collègues. D’autre part, les femmes se font reprocher leur souplesse – invoquant le manque de rigueur dans le renforcement des règles – empêchant ainsi, de part et d’autre, le déploiement d’une pratique professionnelle complète.  Le but premier de cette thèse doctorale consistait à explorer les rapports sociaux de genre en milieu psycho-légal – un milieu typiquement masculin. Notre recherche a d’ailleurs souligné en quoi le maintien de la sécurité est un élément indispensable à la pratique infirmière. En effet, l’aspect sécuritaire du milieu nous a permis d’explorer comment les risques de violence polarisent les interventions selon le sexe biologique du personnel soignant, dans la mesure où ce dernier est lié à des caractéristiques/attributs stéréotypées. Le milieu psycho- légal encourage une virilisation des soins et ce discours sexué participe aux divisions genrées des soins infirmiers. Il est important d’apprécier l’impact des stéréotypes sexués sur la pratique infirmière et le fait que celle-ci soit partagée entre deux perspectives divergentes. Les rôles sexués entraînent selon nous une violence entre les sexes ce qui facilite l’instrumentalisation des deux sexes. L’effet du discours hétéro normatif sur les rapports sociaux de genre, a permis de comprendre comment les comportements sont modulés par la conception de l’homme fort et de la femme à risque dans un milieu potentiellement violent. Le cadre hétéro normatif jumelé au milieu psycho-légal facilite l’amplification des normes hétérosexuelles. Les résultats de recherche ont permis de mieux comprendre comment le personnel soignant est confronté à un ensemble d’injonctions et de mandats contradictoires. En dépit des stratégies déployées par le personnel soignant pour s'adapter au milieu, l’exercice des soins infirmiers demeure difficile vu les contraintes organisationnelles; ces dernières représentent d'ailleurs un obstacle à la pratique et soulèvent des enjeux éthiques importants.

Focusing on the body as a visual and discursive platform across public space, we study marginalization as a sociocultural practice and hegemonic schema. Whereas mass incarceration and law enforcement readily feature in discussions of institutionalized racism, we differently highlight understudied sites of normalization and exclusion. Our combined effort centers upon physical contexts (skeletons, pageant stages, gentrifying neighborhoods), discursive spaces (medical textbooks, legal battles, dance pedagogy, vampire narratives) and philosophical arenas (morality, genocide, physician-assisted suicide, cryonic preservation, transfeminism) to deconstruct seemingly intrinsic connections between body and behavior, Whiteness and normativity.

Il volume si interroga sul quesito se sia possibile vedere oggi il mar Mediterraneo come nuovo Lago Tiberiade, come immaginava Giorgio La Pira. La risposta è che a un primo sguardo sembrerebbe impossibile: guerre, fughe dai paesi nativi, difficoltà a trovare ospitalità, forti disparità sociali, culturali e religiose. Eppure si intercettano segnali in diversi ambiti sociali e relazionali di riconoscimento dell’alterità, come dimostrano i saggi raccolti.

These poems, composed in Somali and in English, provide a poetic reflection of the recently emerged debate on the theme of Caddaan Studies which means "White Studies". The criticism and counter-criticism contained in the debate dug so deep into life nerve of Somali Studies that over a thousand people participated. The poems, under the title "Inaugurating Caddaan Studies" were composed with a critical observation of the debate.

Intro: Most people are completely unaware that the form and content of contemporary education, including Aboriginal studies, is rife with a complex interplay between racism and (neo)-colonialism. While some realize that racism towards visible minorities ‘may’ play a role in student success, very few realize that racism directed towards Indigenous Peoples has a distinct form. Aboriginal societies have an integrity that is separate from any Canadian identity, linked to Indigenous societies’ distinct philosophies and historic relationship to the land. Therefore insofar as education validates state authority, it tends to undermine the vested interests of Indigenous societies. Approved educational narratives preference the evolving Canadian narrative which, through selectively choosing stories which construct a dominant euro-Canadian and ‘multicultural’ construct, legitimizes Canadian and multicultural national identities at the expense of Indigenous Nations’ grounded sovereignties. This content, along with the structure and pedagogy of education systematically place Indigenous Peoples in a marginal position in the classroom and in wider society through partial and insignificant placement of their histories, geographies, knowledges, and contemporary realities in the educational environment. While considerable research focuses on curriculum as the focal point for anti-racist and anti-colonialist reform, it is the entirety of the structural frameworks and pedagogy of education (the philosophy of education, ideas of what constitutes teaching/learning, the presumption of neutrality in education, the role of the various actors in the educational environment, and the praxis of education), and how the curriculum is situated/embodied in these structural forms, that are deeply constitutive of the racist and colonialist construct. Together, these racist and colonial structures and habits within education, serve to delegitimize Indigenous past and present geographies and to produce a marginal position for Indigenous students and their cultures within the classroom and hence the larger society in ways that cannot be addresses by the simple correction of language in curricular documents.

Frente al tema de los menores en conflicto con la ley penal nos ocurre que llegamos demasiado tarde. Asistimos a una obstinada invisibilización de los procesos de exclusión, abandono y violencia intrafamiliar que ocurren muy precozmente, aún cuando se trate de menores que asisten a tales acontecimientos funestos sólo en calidad de testigos.

The idea of the government influencing women’s reproductive rights does not sit well with a lot of people, in particular, women. Although Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey were forms of legislature that legalized abortion and attempted to protect women’s reproductive rights, numerous other forms of policies and legislature, along with other barriers, have contradicted these cases. With the decrease of abortion clinics throughout the country and with attempts to defund organizations, which provide abortions (although attempt to prevent pregnancy from even happening), women have essentially become marginalized; their voices and their access to their own reproductive rights have been violated. In the research provided, there are key examples of the marginalization process women are currently facing in present day due to current policies and legislature being passed as a means to decrease abortion practices.

This article addresses the spatialization and racialization of
social exclusion in the post-socialist Romania incorporated into the neoliberal global regime of the 2000s, by analyzing the social and cultural formation of Pata-Rât from the city of Cluj as a case of advanced marginality (Wacquant, 2008) alongside with references to other instances of Roma marginalization
identified by the means of the SPAREX research. Since I am addressing social exclusion as a form of injustice including material deprivation, cultural stigmatization and denial of social participation, the analyzed cases allow me to contribute on theorizing about how – in a post-socialist order, due to processes of neoliberalization and racialization – economic injustices (such as exploitation, marginalization, deprivation) interlink with cultural/recognition injustices like cultural domination, non-recognition, stigmatization and disrespect (Fraser, 2004), and how they are related to the political dimension of justice that is representation (Fraser, 2007), or to the way in which particular categories of people, like marginalized Roma are excluded from decision-making and from the political and social body of the city/country. In line with the general approach of the SPAREX research, my analysis is a contextual inquiry and instead of describing advanced marginality through "Roma characteristics" it addresses processes of ghettoization.

This article attempts to identify the relationship between the persistent polarisation of political opinions and diverse levels of social and economic development. The coexistence of these phenomena may indicate a barrier to inclusive economic development, which connects with the United Nations Agenda for Sustainable Development. A research aim was to test two hypotheses: Hypothesis 1 (H1)—The increase in the spatial disparity of political support in Poland is persistent; and Hypothesis 2 (H2)—The spatial distribution of support for specific political options shows significant correlations with the distribution of social and economic growth. The study involves the following research methods implementation: desk research, intensity indicators and regression analysis. The results confirmed the persistence of spatial divisions in political support, whose distribution reflects to a large extent the diverse levels of social and economic development that exist. Two axes dividing Poland are identified, one between west and east and the other between urban and rural areas. The article connects with the international debate regarding “places that don’t matter” and the reasons behind the growing popularity of populist ideas in society.

Kapuna-puna sa mga akda ni Jun Cruz Reyes ang mga tauhang binabansagang “baliw,” “sira-ulo,” “retarded,” “abno,” “may toyo,” “may sayad,” at “may tililing.” Susuriin sa papel ang ilang tauhan sa Tutubi, Tutubi, ‘Wag Kang Magpahuli sa Mamang Salbahe (1987), Etsa-Puwera (2000), Ang Huling Dalagang Bukid at ang Authobiography na Mali: Isang Imbestigasyon (2011), at sa ilang kuwento sa Utos ng Hari at Iba Pang Kuwento (1981) at Ilang Taon na ang Problema Mo? (1995). Ipaliliwanag dito ang konstruksiyon ng kabaliwan, partikular ang gamit nito para sa mga nagtutunggaling puwersa. Sa isang banda, lumilikha ng baliw ang mga nasa itaas para isantabi ang halaga ng buhay ng tao at palaguin ang kaisipang nagpapababa sa mga marhinalisado. Ngunit ang pagkontrol na ito ay lumikha ng ibayong kapangyarihan sa mga isinasantabi. Ibinabalik ng marhinalisadong uri ang bansag sa mga nagbabansag at inaangkin ang kabaliwan para hamunin ang sistemang naniniil sa kanila.

One can observe the characters labelled as “mad, “insane,” “retardate,” “abnormal,” “crazy,” “lunatic,” and “mental” in Jun Cruz Reyes’ work. This paper will examine some of the characters in Tutubi, Tutubi, ‘Wag Kang Magpahuli sa Mamang Salbahe (1987), Etsa-Puwera (2000), Ang Huling Dalagang Bukid at ang Authobiography na Mali: Isang Imbestigasyon (2011) and in some stories in Utos ng Hari at Iba Pang Kuwento (1981) and Ilang Taon na ang Problema Mo? (1995). It will explain the construction of madness, especially its use by opposing forces. On the one hand, those in power construct the mad to undermine the value of the lives of the people and to further ideas that prevent the development of the marginalized. But this exercise of control yields a kind of power that strengthens the disregarded. Here the labeller becomes the labelled, and the marginalized appropriate their madness to challenge the oppressive system.

For much of the second half of 20th century, student political activism occupied a special place in the history of many countries and Singapore is no exception. Driven by their youthful energy, idealism and romanticism before they were tied down by the heavy burdens of family, career and property ownership, students of Singapore had also once surged to the forefront of national politics, exerted an influence out of proportion to their numbers and become a force to be reckoned with. Although student politics is an important part of the history of Singapore, the understanding of this topic has been much shackled and its positioning ambiguous. Under the influence of the Cold War rhetoric and with an eagerness to inscribe a victor’s version of events, the ruling People’s Action Party has scripted a national history which simplified the student community into the polarized binary of those who received education under the Chinese medium of instruction and those who learnt in English. The rigidity of this official articulation has led to the tendency of apportioning much greater attention to student activism associated with the former group, while sidelining parallel developments in the latter and largely ignoring the inter-connectivity between these two groups. It has also framed Chinese educated activists as being the natural agents of Communism. In recent years, this official paradigm has come under contestation by historical political memories, reinterpretation of sources, and emergence of alternative representations through popular culture. This revisionism exposes the disjuncture between the party’s current attempt to entice present-day students out of their deeply-seated political apathy and its omission to reconsider the nature and contribution of past student politics. It also opens up unprecedented space for reflections about civic culture and political maturity in Singapore today.

Confi nement of persons, perpetrators of acts that the community deems unacceptable prior to being sanctioned or punished is a phenomenon that goes back to the earliest period of human civilization. It was not until the transition from the Middle Ages to the new century that it became a legally regulated way of responding to crime. With the introduction of the punishment of confi nement in the register of criminal sanctions, the fi rst institutions which carried out confi nement were created. Interestingly, the fi rst conceived modality of confi nement entailed strict solitary confi nement and was soon abandoned due to the serious shortcomings it showed. However, in the last decades of the twentieth century, with the establishment of supermax units, this model has re-emerged, fi rst in the United States and then in many other countries. Although numerous studies have shown how harmful this type of punishment to persons who are isolated for a long time is, the model survives and even shows a tendency to spread. Serbia's legal system has also not been spared of the new mode of marginalization of confi ned persons, which applies to the perpetrators of most serious crimes, and above all those belonging to the category of organized crime. Recent changes to the criminal code create the possibility of coming even closer to the model existing in the US, as well as expanding the circle of persons to whom it shall apply.

This study examines the initial impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on adults with physical disabilities from marginalized communities in southeastern Michigan, one of the early pandemic epicenters in the United States. A purposeful sample of fifteen adults with moderate to severe physical disabilities were recruited, taking part in individual remote semi-structured qualitative interviews, which were recorded, transcribed, and coded for emergent themes using a thematic approach to coding and analysis. Three interrelated, overarching themes emerged: fear, feelings of isolation, and a sense of being invisible. These were identified in the contexts of health and healthcare, home care assistance, and access to resources. The findings help illuminate the experiences of those from socioeconomically and racially marginalized communities, populations that are often “always already” vulnerable. Participant narratives made visible the negative impact of the pandemic on physical and mental health as well as the lack of accommodations available. They showed that participants were faced with a dilemma between engaging in risky behavior to have their needs met or avoiding risk and not have those needs met. This knowledge can expand awareness and appreciation of how social, economic, and political systems impact adults with physical disabilities in lower-income and racially diverse communities and provide guidance in designing future clinical and emergency response policies.

En s’appuyant sur une étude de cas réalisée en milieu urbain au Québec, cet article propose une réflexion sur le concept de populations marginalisées et sur les interventions qui leur sont adressées. Après une revue de la littérature sur les pratiques de proximité et l’intervention auprès de populations dites « marginalisées », nous faisons état de données empiriques recueillies au Québec auprès d’une équipe du réseau public de la santé et des services sociaux. En rejoignant les personnes dans leur milieu de vie, les intervenants de cette équipe sont eux-mêmes devenus à la marge des lieux habituels d’intervention.

Writers have focused on how Hindutva discriminates against minority religions in India. In this article, I concentrate on a different theme: how the quest for purity in Hindutva marginalizes common practices of popular Hinduism, leading to radical changes in the religion itself.

The term, inclusion, particularly in the educational setting, is still based on a deficit view. Perceptions of 'dis'-ability create barriers to true inclusion and are often reinforced through higher education training programs. To promote inclusive values, acceptance of individual and cultural differences must be included in all curricula, not solely within special education. The future of a truly inclusive education relies on a cultural shift that supports and nurtures differences, and views success through a lens not focused on standardization but on diversity. The Index for Inclusion (The Index) has been utilized worldwide to support schools, to remove perceived barriers and to establish increasingly inclusive school cultures and practices. The Index aids in the creation of a culture that is dedicated to identifying and reducing barriers to inclusion and increases the learning and participation for all students.

Although international migrations represent a predominantly urban phenomenon in Italy, in recent decades there are many geographies of settlement which, on the contrary, involve the agricultural regions of the Country, especially those of the South. This paper intends to focus on the coastal strip of Caserta, the Litorale domitio, which was one of the first areas of Campania and of the whole Country to have been affected by immigration phenomena, due to a strong agricultural vocation, and where the so-called «Mediterranean model of migration» took shape, with different forms of spatial segregation.

Traditional notions of citizenship have focused on formal membership , including access to rights, in a national community. More recent scholarship has expanded this definition beyond citizenship as a legal status to focus on struggles for societal inclusion of and justice for marginalized populations, citizenship as both a social and symbolic boundary of exclusion, and post‐colonial and post‐ national citizenship. In this article, I review conceptions of citizenship that involve more than legal rights. After reviewing this scholarship, I discuss the theoretical framework of cultural citizenship – a move to center the cultural underpinnings of modern citizenship in analyses of citizenship as a boundary of inclusion and exclusion. I use the example of France as one site to locate the connections between citizenship and culture and the cultural underpinnings and implications of citizenship more broadly.

Whether it is backlash from the publication of controversial papers or calls for no-platforming, the question of freedom of expression in academia seems to be more pertinent than ever. The conflict here seems to then be one of freedom and responsibility: Freedom to engage in new and perhaps contrary ideas and responsibility to those whom these ideas impact. I address these themes by analyzing recent paper, by Emily Chamlee-Wright that questions when it might be appropriate to resist pressure from the status quo and speak despite the potential for negative feedback.  I wish to supplement her account with the need to temper this question of appropriate deference with one of social responsibility. Like Chamlee-Wright, I argue that these have “both positive and negative effects on the quality of public and academic discourse”, but for different reasons. Stereotype and bias inherent in some speech and scholarship may harm the discursive environment and encourage self-censorship as well. These expanded threats in turn require a different solution that would urge deference when scholarship pertains to and impacts certain marginalized identity categories. Self-Censorship does not necessarily mean a lowered quality academic or public discourse, but a necessary element in balancing the concerns of power and perspective.

Folksongs identify itself with the people of the particular area and surroundings. They are verbally carried out through generations depicting the picture of a particular society and community. The colonial history of Western Assam had witnessed the political manipulation by the British authority, bifurcating the densely populated Rajbanshi territories to create Assam and Bengal. Koch-Rajbanshis are one of the major tribes of Assam and Bengal in India. After the territorial split, the Rajbanshis living in Bengal soon lost their language, culture as well as their civilizational roots. The condition of the Rajbanshis in the newly formed State of Assam was nothing better. Having lost their language, culture and identity, they soon got degenerated into an inferior community. At a juncture when the Koch Rajbanshis had to encounter a phase of crisis, Goalparia folk songs of Pratima Barua Pandey emerged as an instrument of effective intervention to usher in a path of hope for these people, who desperately needed a direction for possible redemption of their cultural, linguistic as well as social identity.
In a similar fashion, Phleng phue chiwit folksongs of Thailand reflects the marginalized people’s lives of Thailand especially after 1930’s (the period of 1930’s marked by the political change from monarchy to constitutional monarchy). Some of the well known singers through this particular group of folksongs used to lay emphasis on the corrupt politicians and satirizing the corrupt officials of the time. In 1970’s Carabao groups under the Phleng Phue Chiwit emphasized on peoples equal rights especially farmers, workers and labourers. Suntharee Wechanont in …

Previous scholarship shows that women with disabilities are excluded from national and transnational economic development strategies and depicted, if at all, as passive victims and subjects of charity. In Sub-Saharan Africa, disabled women tend to occupy marginal positions in the social and economic milieux of major cities. This feminist narrative ethnography draws upon fifteen months of collaborative, cross-cultural fieldwork in Accra, Ghana. It confronts prior misrepresentations by constructing detailed narrative portraits and “poetic transcriptions” (Glesne, 1997) derived from life-story interviews with thirteen Ghanaian women with disabilities who reside in Ghana’s capital and its suburbs. Through narrative reconstructions of women’s stories, it explores how interlocking social and economic structures marginalize girls and women with disabilities. Disabled women’s social personhood is undermined, for example, through denial of family roles and entitlements; provision of inferior education and work training in unsustainable trades; and expressions of pity or contempt by passers-by. The portraits highlight the dangers, hardships and diminished personhood to which disabled women are subjected through these marginalizing processes. They foreground disabled women’s perspectives and their persistent agency in knitting themselves back into the fabric of their families, neighborhoods, and religious communities. They also explore the roles that disability self-help and advocacy groups play in women’s lives by enabling them to form friendships and access material support. Through participating in such groups, women begin to question the inevitability of their exclusion, reconstruct themselves as worthy and respectable persons, and strengthen their claims on family and society.