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Research Interests: Christianity, Political Sociology, European Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Political Science, and 15 moreAfrica, Islamic Studies, Conflict Resolution, Islam, Martyrdom, Peace Studies, Judaism, Interfaith Dialogue, Peacebuilding, Mali, Peacemaking and Interfaith Dialogue, Hamas, Peace and Conflicts Studies, Israel Palestine, and British Academy
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At the end of the Cold War the hope was that it would be possible to reform international society and create a new world order. This book explores the experience of the United Nations in the three largest peacekeeping operations of recent... more
At the end of the Cold War the hope was that it would be possible to reform international society and create a new world order. This book explores the experience of the United Nations in the three largest peacekeeping operations of recent years, in Cambodia, former Yugoslavia, and Somalia, to explain why it has proved so difficult for the international community to live up to this hope. The introduction explores the common themes and the major contrasts in the three operations, and each case study is accompanied by a chronology of events and a selection of relevant UN documents.
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CAMBRIDGE STUDIES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: 10 NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY Editorial Board STEVE SMITH (Managing editor) LAWRENCE FREEDMAN FRED HALLIDAY KAL HOLSTI ROY JONES ROBERT S. LITWAK PETER NAILOR WILLIAM OLSON ...
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THEMES FOR THE 21ST CENTURY 'Diane Coyle has written a clear and rigorous analysis of the international trade and investment system. If we are to understand the challenges of globalisation, this is one book that we should ...
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The involvement of the United Nations in Somalia was a product of the new international climate created by the end of the Cold War and by the dramatic success of Operation Desert Storm, and its aftermath in 1991. For the UN, the Somali... more
The involvement of the United Nations in Somalia was a product of the new international climate created by the end of the Cold War and by the dramatic success of Operation Desert Storm, and its aftermath in 1991. For the UN, the Somali operation, which at its height employed a force of 28,000 at an estimated cost of US $1.5 billion, broke new ground in two ways. Under Resolution 794 of 3 December 1992, the Security Council invoked Chapter VII of the Charter to authorise the establishment of an Unified Task Force (UNITAF), under United States command and control, ‘in order to establish a secure environment for humanitarian relief operations in Somalia'. This was the first time that an unambiguously internal and humanitarian crisis had been designated as a threat to international peace and security, thus justifying peace-enforcement measures. Secondly, with this and subsequent resolutions, the UN dropped the pretence that its involvement in Somalia arose out of an invitation from the government – although the Council continued to refer to ‘urgent calls from Somalia … to ensure the delivery of humanitarian assistance’ – since no government existed with the authority to issue such an invitation. For the first time, statelessness was acknowledged to be a threat to an international society composed of sovereign states. The United Nations did not extend its prerogatives in these ways either willingly or as the result of a deliberate and carefully worked out international strategy
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It is rather difficult to pin down the meaning when one considers the veritable plethora of problems that the concept of nationalism presents. The foremost difficulty is the lack of a common understanding among scholars and academics... more
It is rather difficult to pin down the meaning when one considers the veritable plethora of problems that the concept of nationalism presents. The foremost difficulty is the lack of a common understanding among scholars and academics about the problems that emanate from the definitions of nationalism. In order to rethink and analyse the hazy concept of nationalism, the evolution of the concept of nationalism from being a natural phase in the evolution of human society to the argument of it being a constructed complex mythology, as held by will be the general focus of this article. This article will however concentrate on analysing the rationalisation of the "mythical construct" argument by examining the most important three precepts-ethnicity, culture and language-posited and then reach to a conclusion by manifesting how these have served and are continuing to serve as ethical and moral problems for international relations. MİLLİYETÇİLİĞİ YENİDEN DÜŞÜNMEK: ULUSLARARASI İLİ...
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Cet article etudie l’evolution, les problemes et les perspectives du Commonwealth moderne, ainsi que la quete d’un consensus strategique entre les gouvernements et les peuples de cette organisation, guidee depuis 1965 par le Secretariat... more
Cet article etudie l’evolution, les problemes et les perspectives du Commonwealth moderne, ainsi que la quete d’un consensus strategique entre les gouvernements et les peuples de cette organisation, guidee depuis 1965 par le Secretariat du Commonwealth. Successeur de l’empire britannique, le Commonwealth a joue un role influent dans les affaires internationales, de la decolonisation aux questions de developpement, de la Guerre froide a l’ere post-apartheid. A travers la Rhodesie, l’Afrique du Sud, le Biafra, le developpement international et les engagements actuels en faveur de la democratie et des droits de l’homme, cet article replace les politiques du Commonwealth dans une perspective historique et analyse l’importance strategique de l’histoire du Commonwealth.
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I must begin with a confession. I am a reluctant methodologist.1 Indeed, it seems to me that the English School serves its method when it wears it lightly. Stanislayski, who inspired the method school of acting, has more to offer on this... more
I must begin with a confession. I am a reluctant methodologist.1 Indeed, it seems to me that the English School serves its method when it wears it lightly. Stanislayski, who inspired the method school of acting, has more to offer on this score I believe than armies of theoretical social scientists. He advised his actors to provide a truthful representation of those they portrayed not only by studying their lives, characters and beliefs, but also by looking deeply into themselves to find emotional and psychological experiences as points of identification. In most human activities, the most that one can aspire to is honesty, to be true to one’s experience of the external world, and to the understanding one can arrive at through its study, combined with such intuitive insights that can be gained through introspection.
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German troops fighting the Taliban in the Hindu Kush; EU judges sitting in courts in the Balkans; UN viceroys governing parts of Oceania; American occupation of the Middle East. Amid the myriad political experiences of the post-Cold War... more
German troops fighting the Taliban in the Hindu Kush; EU judges sitting in courts in the Balkans; UN viceroys governing parts of Oceania; American occupation of the Middle East. Amid the myriad political experiences of the post-Cold War era, the historians of the future are likely to pay particular attention to attempts by outsiders to administer a host of post-conflict societies, to perform physical and social reconstruction, to establish functioning institutions, to open economies and, ultimately, to transform the 'maladjusted' political cultures of Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Few developments in the two decades after 1989 were as revealing of the character of the international system, of the gaps between liberal discourse and practice, and of the fleeting nature of the Western hegemonic moment. What made the new protectorates possible? What were they like as an actual political experience? How contradictory was its reception? Why was the process of governing others for their own good so flawed and the outcomes so disappointing? These are among the questions addressed by some of the leading authorities in the field, including Stefan Halper, Christopher Clapham, Mats Berdal and Richard Caplan. The book is divided into two parts. The first examines the historical background from which the new protectorates (Bosnia, Kosovo, East Timor, Iraq and Afghanistan) emerged and the dissonant reactions to their creation; the second analyses the experience of governance in the protectorates along several dimensions, ranging from United Nations involvement through problems of policing, civil-military relations, coordination between international forces and the local state to the sometimes perverse consequences of economic policy.
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Hopes that the defeat of the Third Reich would usher in a new, ‘liberal’ international order lasted just long enough to secure the establishment of the United Nations Organisation (UNO). Its Charter envisaged a world in which not only... more
Hopes that the defeat of the Third Reich would usher in a new, ‘liberal’ international order lasted just long enough to secure the establishment of the United Nations Organisation (UNO). Its Charter envisaged a world in which not only would peace-loving countries be secured from aggression by the timely intervention of the Grand Alliance (reconstituted in the Security Council), but it would also be one made safe for constitutional development by the end of empire. Even before the Cold War substituted ‘realism’ for hope as the basis for relations between the great powers, however, South Africa had sounded a discordant note in the proceedings of the new organisation.
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The legacy of the 1884 Berlin conference remains with us today. Indeed, when one looks at the political, social and economic development of the African continent 25 years after the major effort in decolonisation, it is difficult to be... more
The legacy of the 1884 Berlin conference remains with us today. Indeed, when one looks at the political, social and economic development of the African continent 25 years after the major effort in decolonisation, it is difficult to be particularly optimistic. The grounds for pessimism are depressingly familiar: approximately half of the world’s refugees wander homeless across the continent, Africa contains many of the poorest countries in the world, an increasing number of which cannot feed themselves, and there is the process of growing militarisation of African societies, a trend which is admittedly not confined to Africa but which is certainly well represented there. Add to this list the rising tide of local and external interventions of one kind or another in African politics and the ruthless, but also spectacular exercise in South African machtpolitik, and one needs to have an almost nineteenth-century belief in the inevitability of progress to maintain a positive view of the future. Indeed, it does nobody a service to try to represent what is happening as a picture of hope. It is particularly difficult to get a purchase on African problems if they are viewed against the background of what was ‘meant to happen’: at the time of independence in the late 1950s and 1960s, many of the books written about Africa by liberal Europeans were imbued with hope, so that a major problem in talking about contemporary Africa is that for these authors Africa is the ‘god that failed.
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On relationships it is hard to improve on Tolstoy. When nothing iswrong there is little or nothing to say. Few relationships in international affairs, however, are trouble-free and certainly not those between Britain and the countries of... more
On relationships it is hard to improve on Tolstoy. When nothing iswrong there is little or nothing to say. Few relationships in international affairs, however, are trouble-free and certainly not those between Britain and the countries of Asia and Africa, many of which were once British colonies. Like unhappy families, they offer endless opportunities for therapeutic analysis. The root of the trouble almost always lies in the rival perceptions of the relationship that are held by those involved. The British view is coloured (even when the British themselves deny it) by memories of past authority and by a strong preference for stability and continuity over change. Officially, the British tend to be impatient of Third World sensitivities and to insist that their policies are both realistic and guided by pragmatism. Asians and Africans are more likely to focus on the desirability of change, the need for economic diversification, and the ever-present danger of neo-colonial exploitation. If they are often irritated by what they see as British arrogance, it is because they do not accept that the transfer of power was intended to leave international relations essentially undisturbed. Disputes over justice thus habitually lurk just below the surface.
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In August 1986 the Soviet government reversed its long-standing policy of opposition to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and applied to participate in the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations. The Western... more
In August 1986 the Soviet government reversed its long-standing policy of opposition to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and applied to participate in the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations. The Western response was both prompt and negative: United States officials ruled out Soviet entry on the grounds that the Soviet trade system was in “fundamental, practical and philosophical contradiction” to GATT rules.1
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Unlike most of the other organizations which hold summit meetings represented in this volume, it is not obvious that if the Commonwealth did not exist it would be necessary to invent it. The Commonwealth lacks a strategic, regional or... more
Unlike most of the other organizations which hold summit meetings represented in this volume, it is not obvious that if the Commonwealth did not exist it would be necessary to invent it. The Commonwealth lacks a strategic, regional or functional rationale, and few if any of the issues that appear on the agenda of its Heads of Government meetings (CHOGMs) can be resolved there. Yet, judging by the numbers who attend these two-yearly summits — they fluctuate but seldom fall below 35 out of a membership of 50 — loyalty to the Commonwealth remains high. In recent years there has been some pressure from the larger member countries to reduce the length of the summit from its traditional and leisurely week-long format, but no serious suggestion that Commonwealth summitry itself should be abandoned.
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The design of the society of states is extremely simple. The model is derived from the principles on which the seventeenth-century European peace treaties were based and from the assumptions, requirements and additions which were... more
The design of the society of states is extremely simple. The model is derived from the principles on which the seventeenth-century European peace treaties were based and from the assumptions, requirements and additions which were introduced by the conference diplomacy of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The model rests firstly on an agreed legal settlement, and secondly, and more contentiously, on an institutionalised political dispensation. THE TRADITIONAL MODEL The legal settlement is based on the repudiation of the principle of hierarchy in inter-state relations, and consequently on an affirmation of the principle of the sovereign equality of states. The political dispensation, by contrast, involved the major powers in acknowledging to each other that, not withstanding the legal equality of all states, they had special responsibilities for maintaining international order; and consequently, that this gave them the right, if necessary, to override general international law. In other words, while questions of status and right are distinguished from those of power and military capability, the separation is not total. In ways which have always seemed as suspect to the weak as they have seemed obvious to the strong, the legal order has been subordinated, not all the time, but at critical points, to the will of the powerful. While small states frequently complained about their treatment at the hands of the major powers, in the end, they could do little to change their role as consumers of whatever ‘order’ was created by the great powers of the day.
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It is a familiar axiom that many of the best ideas for writing and research are generated after hours, over a drink or a meal away from the formality of the seminar room or conference panel. Mervyn Frost’s power ful contribution to this... more
It is a familiar axiom that many of the best ideas for writing and research are generated after hours, over a drink or a meal away from the formality of the seminar room or conference panel. Mervyn Frost’s power ful contribution to this volume is a case in point. It had its genesis in a Chicago diner during the 2001 International Studies Association (ISA) Conference. According to him, I challenged him by suggesting that his constitutive approach to international ethical theory was ‘too progressive, optimistic and teleological’. The occasion was a convivial one and in truth I cannot remember the exact terms of my challenge. In the cold light of day I think his claim is partly right and partly wrong.
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Millennium - Journal of International Studies http://mil.sagepub.com The Implications for Africa of the Enlarged EEC James Mayall Millennium - Journal of International Studies 1974; 3; 114 DOI: 10.1177/03058298740030020301 The ...
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190 AFRICAN AFFAIRS Priestley stresses how dependent they were on their African landlords and sup- pliers, just as their landlords and suppliers depended on them. She quotes from one of Brew's relations by marriage, William Ansah, a... more
190 AFRICAN AFFAIRS Priestley stresses how dependent they were on their African landlords and sup- pliers, just as their landlords and suppliers depended on them. She quotes from one of Brew's relations by marriage, William Ansah, a ...
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Millennium - Journal of International Studies http://mil.sagepub.com The Implications for Africa of the Enlarged EEC James Mayall Millennium - Journal of International Studies 1974; 3; 114 DOI: 10.1177/03058298740030020301 The ...
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Between anarchy and community in international relations. James MAYALL Proceedings of the British Academy 122, 129-144, Oxford University Press, 2004.
