Cold War history

Denise Bertschi's book, published by the "Centre de la Photographie" in Geneva takes an analytic look at Switzerland's neutral mission in the Korean demilitarized zone and offers highly explosive findings in terms of geopolitical, sociological and photographic media history as an archival source for the Swiss photographic collection. Her book exposes through the lens of photographers who were shot by Swiss soldiers and senior officers stationed in Korea for a "neutral" mission, which lasted from 1953 to today. This book particularly explores the representation of the Swiss national self-image, its cohesion under the identity myth of so-called neutrality, the Swiss signature on the stage of world political events with tools from the paradigm of Swiss good offices. The gap between the fiction of "neutrality" and its state thoughts gives rise to STATE FICTION.

The photographic archive, published in "State Fiction" is based on archival research in the "Bibliothek Am Guisanplatz" in Bern, where Denise Bertschi selected a pertinent flow of amateur photographs, shot by the Swiss "neutral" military. The book is accompanied by essays of Denise Bertschi (Doctoral Candidate EPFL Lausanne), Prof. Dr. Hans-Ulrich Jost (University of Lausanne), Dr. Heonik Kwon (Senior Research Fellow in Social Anthropology at Trinity College, University of Cambridge).

The Gouzenko Affair is referred to as the event that started the Cold War. This article draws on recently declassified documents that shed new light on Britain’s role in this affair, particularly that of the Foreign Office and the British High Commissioner to Canada. The documents reveal how the British had a major part in directing the response to Igor Gouzenko’s defection in 1945. This event revealed the need for increased counterespionage security, but it also became a spectacle that directed the public’s attention away from the British connection: specifically, the role of Alan Nunn May, a British nuclear scientist who had provided the Soviets with classified information. Instead, the public’s interest was centred on Soviet spies, communism as a subversive force, and the brewing Soviet-US conflict. These newly declassified sources demonstrate how it was the British intelligence services and the British government that went to great lengths to help focus the public’s attention in this direction. They took great pains to direct Canadian policy making, which included working to discourage Canada’s prime minister William Lyon Mackenzie King from handling the affair privately with the Soviet ambassador, and were likely behind the infamous press leak to US reporter Drew Pearson that forced King to call a Royal Commission and publicize the affair. With the help of the British government and intelligence services, the Cold War began.

Book review of:

"Sengo Nihon no Fuko no Kiroku, GHQ Kameraman Boria ga Totta Nihon no Fukei" (Records of the Reconstruction of Postwar Japan, Japanese Scenes Taken by The GHQ Cameraman Boria). Photographs by Dimitri Boria, Compiled by Yoneyuki Sugita. Okayama: Daigakukyōikushuppan. Vol. 1, pp 143; Vol. 2, pp. 141.

https://japantoday.com/category/features/lifestyle/Colorized-digitally-enhanced-photos-of-postwar-Japan-bring-their-subjects-to-life

Publisher's blurb: Incorporating important recent scholarship, this popular supplement combines a comprehensive essay on the history of McCarthyism with compelling documents that trace the course of anti-Communist furor in the U.S. The volume’s 95-page essay follows the campaign against domestic subversion from its origins in the 1930s through its escalation in the 1940s to its decline in the 1950s. The second part includes over 47 original documents (including 6 new sources) — congressional transcripts, FBI reports, speeches, and letters — that chronicle the anti-Communist crusade. The essay and documents have been thoroughly updated to reflect new scholarship and recently revealed archival evidence of Soviet spying in the U.S. Also included are headnotes to the documents, 15 black-and-white photographs, a glossary, a chronology of McCarthyism, a revised bibliographical essay, and an index.

The objective of this post-graduate thesis work is to analyses “The Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe” (CFE) which has been accepted as the most
extensive and successful conventional disarmament treaty of the world disarmament
history and its effects to Turkey in a historical perspective. In our work we spotlighted the process between the Treaty was signed in 1990 and 2010s we are present in. We also gave place to the conceptions of disarmament and controlling arms and their historical development process.

Chapter I, was separated to express various conceptions about the subject in historical examples.

In Chapter II, we dealt with the disastrous race of armament started with cold war era and discussions of controlling arms and disarmaments that the balance of terror alerted. While disarmament and the activities of controlling arms were taken in hand just in terms of conventional dimension because of the extent of our topic; the difficult processes of discussion lasting on troublesome ways to CFE were examined thoroughly because of underlying the Treaty.

Chapter III was separated into eight additional protocols, all of which are accepted as an inherent piece of the Treaty text and other treaties and formations completing the regime of CFE.

In the last chapter of our work, Chapter IV we discussed the results of CFE in terms of NATO and VP, compulsory changes were subjected to in accordance with changing political and military conjuncture and the effects on Turkey in terms of all political, military and economical dimensions with all these breaking points were examined deeply.

Key Words: The Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE), Disarmament, Arms Control, NATO, VP, Turkey.

Knjiga se bavi prvim posleratnim kontaktima između socijalističke Jugoslavije i bliskositočnih zemlja. Od podele Palestine, prvog izraelsko-arapskog rata, otklona Jugoslavije od Svojetskog Saveza i potrage za novim partnerima. Manevrišući izmežu interesa super-sila, kolonijalnih država i lokalnih faktora poput egipatskog premijera Nasera sa kojima je gradila saradnju, knjiga prati stasavanje jedne Titove regionalne politike koja se isklaila tokom Suecke krize da bi postala važna komponenta u daljoj izgradnji jugoslovenske doktrine nesvrstansoti.

In the first half of 1944, tens of thousand Ukrainians left their country together with the withdrawing German occupiers in order to avoid confrontation with the approaching Red Army and the Soviet authorities. Between the summer of 1941 and their time of departure, all of these Ukrainians had had some kind of experience with the Holocaust, either as observers, as rescuers or as perpetrators. In the second half of the 1940s they were relocated from DP camps to various western countries such as Australia, Canada, the USA and the United Kingdom, while some remained in West Germany and Austria. In their newspapers and numerous memoirs they frequently described and discussed the Second World War, but they either did not mention the Holocaust at all or portrayed it as a crime committed only by the Nazis and a small group of unpatriotic Ukrainians. The participation of the Ukrainian police, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and its Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), and various types of ordinary local Ukrainians did not appear in these memoirs and historical discourses. On the contrary, some of these actors, in particular the members of the OUN and the partisans of the UPA, were commemorated as freedom fighters and national heroes. Concentrating on western Ukraine, this article explores how, during the Cold War, the Ukrainian Diaspora forgot the annihilation of the Jews, turned Holocaust perpetrators and war criminals into heroes of Ukraine, and argued that survivors from eastern Galicia and Volhynia, who mentioned Ukrainians as perpetrators, were Soviet propagandists and Jewish chauvinists.

This is the comprehensive presentation of the first results of several years of research of the official participants lists of the Bilderberg conferences. I decided to publish it here so everyone can do his own research based on this preliminary database of all participants from almost 65 years of Bilderberg conferences. Feel free to draw your own conclusions. Peace <3

Тhe author of the article, untitled "Security of State-secret service and diplomacy during the rule of De Gaulle", assoc. prof. PhD Hristo Milkov from the Institute of the historical researches of the Bulgarian Academy of sciences aspires to discover the highest point of the relations between France and Bulgaria-the official visit of the prime-minister Todor Jhivkov in Paris and his meetings of such famous persons as De Gaulle and Pompidou. Resulting of this the diplomatic relations were raised in the highest rang and signed agreements, which mark the economic, the international and the cultural spheres. In the article are represented the intelligence and diplomacy, which inevitably are crossed in history. The civil and the military secret services have his agents in such key countries as France, which develops independent international policy and in 1963 quits the military organization of OTAN-one of the most important aims of our secret services.
Keywords: De Gaulle, diplomacy, secret services, France, Bulgaria.

Many
scholars
and
most
high
school
textbooks
strongly
suggest,
incorrectly,
that
the
United
States
Government
and
the
Communist
régime
in
Peiping
did
not
communicate
during
the
two
decades
between
October
1,
1949
when
the
People’s
Republic
of
China
“stood
up”
and
July
9,
1971
when
National
Security
Advisor
Henry
Kissinger
secretly
visited
China. I,
however,
argue
that
the
two
governments
not
only
had
numerous
opportunities
for
interaction,
but
they
engaged
in
official
and
meaningful
dialogue
during
this
period.5
One
such
dialogue,
apparently
influencing
US
foreign
policy,
is
described
in
 detail
here.

Als dichotome Spaltung der Welt drang der Kalte Krieg auch in Gesellschaften ein, die nicht direkt in die „heißen“ Kriege des internationalen Dauerkonflikts verwickelt waren. Dort entfaltete er seine Virulenz und Persistenz dadurch, dass er permanent ausgemalt, inszeniert und materialisiert wurde. Von der sozialen Wirkmächtigkeit gesellschaftlicher Deutungsmuster und Symbolen ausgehend, fokussiert dieser Band auf das Imaginäre des Kalten Krieges: Auf Metaphern der Abgrenzung und Zugehörigkeit, Freund- und Feindfiguren, propagandistisch gestützte Emotionskulturen sowie Bedrohungs- und Schutzszenarien. Diese zirkulierten zwischen militärischen und zivilen Organisationen, staatlichen und kulturellen Institutionen und der öffentlich-politischen Sphäre hin- und her – und trugen so dazu bei, den Kalten Krieg am Laufen zu halten.
Konzeptionell gefasst in vier Dimensionen – Metaphern, Figuren, Emotionen und Simulakren – spürt der Band aus einer kulturgeschichtlichen Perspektive der Verbreitung des Imaginären im Ost-West-Konflikt nach. Er versammelt Beiträge aus der Geschichte, der Literaturwissenschaft, der Kulturwissenschaft, der Europäischen Ethnologie und der Soziologie und richtet den Blick mit Fallbeispielen zum geteilten Deutschland, zu Österreich, der Schweiz und Großbritannien primär auf Europa.

In the 1950s, the situation in the USA was not so easy and the feeling of always being in danger was constant, because of the “containment policy”, contrasts, tensions, the promulgation of the Marshall Plan and the birth of NATO. People lived with the fear of an imminent outbreak of an atomic war. That’s why Norbert Wiener, Karl Deutsh and Giorgio de Santillana wrote a project to prepare American cities in the event of an atomic war.
The project, published in the magazine «Life» (December 18, 1950), was titled “How U.S. cities can prepare for atomic war - M.I.T. professors suggest a bold plan to prevent panic and limit destruction”. In that project the professors outlined their idea of “life belts” around the main cities. The idea was to create circular highways about ten miles from the city centre, with roads leading into the city like spokes on a wheel. The three men designated the perimeter of the life belts as evacuation points for city dwellers, also designing essential facilities and places. The paper aims to analyse the project, contextualizing it in the visions of the three professors of MIT attentive to the role of the scientist in political and social life.

In February 1948, during the political crisis in Czechoslovakia was established a communist regime. This event completed the formation of the Soviet bloc in Europe. It directly impacted the US containment policy towards the USSR and the escalation of the Cold War. Based on archival documents and newspapers articles, the research studies these events through their perception by American media and diplomats, whose opinions and interpretations had great and decisive importance for the US public opinion and its government official reaction. The author concludes that the Czechoslovak crisis of 1948 aroused considerable interest and severe reaction in the United States. It was considered as a part of growing Soviet-American contradictions and international tension. Despite the fears of a communist coup in Czechoslovakia expressed back in 1947, American experts could not accurately predict the onset time of the crisis and its nature. The rapidity of the crisis, the Communist’s reaction, and decisiveness, lack of direct Soviet intervention, as well as the absence of democratic resistance, became a surprise for American journalists and diplomats. They believed that the communist takeover was a manifestation of Soviet expansion and the Kremlin’s desire to consolidate its control over all Eastern Europe. Despite the external legitimacy, the transfer of power to the left forces was interpreted as a coup d'état that finalized the establishment of the totalitarian regime in Czechoslovakia. Nevertheless, the US government refused to sever diplomatic relations with Prague and to initiate an international investigation. Washington found no direct evidence of Soviet intervention. It had to accept the changes in Czechoslovakia, focusing its forces on the inadmissibility of this scenario in Western Europe. The crisis directly influenced the adoption of the Marshall Plan and the intensification of the containment policy.

Hoover’s War on Gays is an excellent and much-needed empirical contribution to our knowledge on twentieth-century surveillance and harassment of a sexual minority, which intensified as that minority became more self-confident and public in its demands. Douglas M. Charles has demonstrated amply how intricate documentary histories based on deep and hidden bureaucratic paper trails provide uniquely illuminating details of key episodes of state power and grassroots resistance to it.

On June 22, 1974, East and West German national football teams met for the fi rst international game of the FIFA World Cup. Played in Hamburg, the game ended with an East German victory of 1-0, after a goal scored by Jürgen Sparwasser. This game symbolized how sport could subvert international and diplomatic oppositions during the Cold War and demonstrated how sport was used as a tool of diplomacy. This book explores original studies on sport during the Cold War in Europe. Three perspectives have been developed. First, the book gives new insight into the use of sport by European states as a tool of diplomacy. Second, the researchers show how sport institutions could counterbalance Cold War divisions throughout the period. Finally, the book demonstrates how sport on the continent acted globally, enlarging the framework of the narrative and considering Europe in its worldwide context. The authors (members of RERIS network) explore the importance of considering the role of sport during the Cold War in Europe not only as an arena of competition but also as an instrument for rapprochement and mutual understanding.

Kulisy bliskiej współpracy komunistycznych służb z międzynarodowymi ugrupowaniami terrorystycznymi przez wiele lat należały do najpilniej strzeżonych sekretów PRL. Radykałowie z Bliskiego Wschodu oraz skrajnie lewicowi ekstremiści z Europy Zachodniej traktowali Polskę jako sprawdzonego sojusznika i bezpieczną przystań, gdzie można było skutecznie ukrywać się przed agentami służb zachodnich i w spokoju przygotowywać kolejne zamachy. Dzięki tajnym układom z peerelowskimi służbami cywilnymi i wojskowymi, terroryści czuli się w Polsce bezpiecznie. Omijali procedury wizowe, przysyłali rannych bojowników na odpoczynek, otrzymywali stypendia, otwierali własne firmy, handlowali bronią, a na nielegalnych interesach z państwowymi przedsiębiorstwami zarabiali miliony dolarów. Abu Nidal, Monzer Al-Kassar, Abu Dawud i Abu Abbas to tylko niektórzy z czołówki najgroźniejszych światowych terrorystów ostatniej dekady zimnej wojny, którzy nie tylko korzystali z gościny peerelowskich służb, ale traktowali Polskę jako ważne ogniwo przestępczej działalności. Dzięki drobiazgowym poszukiwaniom archiwalnym Autorowi udało się zrekonstruować najważniejsze siatki terrorystyczne operujące na terenie komunistycznej Polski oraz naświetlić okoliczności ich sekretnych powiązań z funkcjonariuszami aparatu bezpieczeństwa PRL.
https://ksiegarnia.pwn.pl/Zabojcze-uklady,713077485,p.html

Az 1945 és 1990 közötti időszakot, melyet közkeletűen hidegháborúnak nevezünk, alapvetően meghatározta az előző század történetét, és máig terjedő hatásai a mai napig megfigyelhetőek a politika, a hadászat és a harcászat területein. Ennek egy elemét, a harcbiztosítás egyik első mozzanatát jelentő felderítést kívánom vizsgálni a fent említett időszakban. Az összfegyvernemi harc megvívása olyan komplex igényeket állít a hadviselő felek elé, és olyan anyagi áldozattal jár, köszönhetően a modern fegyverek nagy hatásfokának, hogy bármilyen harctevékenységet megindítani vaktában, a kellő felderítés nélkül értelmetlen. Nem volt ez máshogy a megelőző időkben sem, de az elmúlt században olyan technológiai fejlődés ment végbe, hogy tényszerű vizsgálat, és összehasonlítás a mai helyzettel csak ezek esetében igazolható egzakt tényekkel.

Written Here, Published There offers a new perspective on the role of underground literature in the Cold War and challenges us to recognize gaps in the Iron Curtain. The book identifies a transnational undertaking that reinforced détente, dialogue, and cultural transfer, and thus counterbalanced the persistent belief in Europe’s irreversible division. It analyzes a cultural practice that attracted extensive attention during the Cold War but has largely been ignored in recent scholarship: tamizdat, or the unauthorized migration of underground literature across the Iron Curtain. Investigating the transfer of underground literature from the ‘Other Europe’ to Western Europe, the United States, and back illuminates the intertwined fabrics of Cold War literary cultures. Perceiving tamizdat as both a literary and a social phenomenon, the book focuses on how individuals participated in this border-crossing activity and used secretive channels to guarantee the free flow of literature. The image that emerges of this largely unknown cultural encounter transcends continuing perceptions of the artificial East-West divide, revealing that tamizdat contributed to the recreation of a transnational literary community.

The 'Oil Shock' of 1973―the shift from the era of low-priced oil to the era of high-priced oil―was a turning point in the history of the 20th century. This book provides an analysis of the crisis and its global political and economic impact. It features contributions from a range of perspectives and approaches, including political, economic, environmental, international and social history. The authors examine the origins of the 'oil revolution' for oil-producing countries, as well as the far-reaching effects on oil and international energy markets, international relations and the global economy; and the long term effects on the Cold War, Soviet energy policies and decolonization. In doing so, they provide a detailed picture of one of a defining event of the last century, an event that set the framework for the changes that have led to the quite different energy scenario of today.

In 1949, the Communist Party of China pledged that its approach to health care would differ markedly from that of the former Nationalist government and the "imperialist" West. For the next thirty years, under Mao's leadership, the People's Republic of China made improving the health of the entire population a central pillar of its policy. International health stakeholders came to view it as a statistical outlier in its ability to achieve better health outcomes with limited resources. The People's Health is the first systematic study of health care and medicine in Maoist China. Drawing on hundreds of files from rarely seen party archives and oral testimonies from experts, local cadres, and villagers across China, Zhou Xun shifts her historian's gaze away from official statistics towards the records of local institutions and personal memories that reflect and give voice to lived experiences. Through the everyday interactions of policy makers, national and local administration, and communities, Zhou illustrates the dynamic relationship between politics and health, and between individual lives and the political system. Presenting case studies of internationally acclaimed public health initiatives in the PRC - the anti-schistosomiasis campaign and the Barefoot Doctor program - this book offers the first thorough, politically neutral analysis of their background, execution, and national and international repercussions. Opening a unique window into the lives - and health care - of individuals living under communism, The People's Health examines the links between local interest, cultural sensibilities, resources, and abilities, exploring the often unforeseeable consequences of political planning and social engineering.

For more than two decades, from 1950 until 1972, Great Britain and the People’s Republic of China had a somewhat incongruous relationship, as they maintained a state of incomplete diplomatic recognition characterized by what might be termed major internal contradictions. It featured profound Cold War ideological antagonism, particularly pronounced on the Chinese side but far from absent on that of Britain, in coexistence with substantial commercial and economic dealings, many of which were channeled, orchestrated, and facilitated through the British-administered colony of Hong Kong. Despite the fact that Hong Kong represented territory Britain had forcibly seized from China between 1842 and 1898, the revolutionary mainland regime chose to leave it a capitalist enclave under British control from 1949 until 1997, an anomalous status bestowed largely due to the substantial financial benefits China derived from keeping the city as it was. Keeping Hong Kong a mutually profitable going concern required Britain and China to cooperate, if only tacitly, in setting ground rules for running its affairs. Whereas the United States largely eschewed diplomatic and economic interchanges with China until at least the late 1960s, pressuring its Cold War allies to follow suit and ostracize the new mainland regime, Britain and Communist China could not avoid some level of communication with each other.

Chi-kwan Mark, a leading expert on China’s international relations since 1945, seeks to address what he terms the ‘everyday Cold War’ between these two protagonists in these years of limited but surprisingly significant contacts. In an outstanding monograph, Hong Kong and the Cold War: Anglo-American Relations, 1949-1957 (2004), and numerous insightful articles and book chapters, Mark has written extensively on Cold War Hong Kong, exploring the complex dilemmas that remarkable city posed, in terms of the inter-relationships among Great Britain, the US, the PRC, and the Nationalist government on Taiwan. Reluctance to recycle his earlier work is probably why, although Hong Kong features quite prominently in this study, in terms of trade, its role during the Vietnam War, the 1967 riots and the retaliation they provoked against British diplomats in Shanghai and Beijing, and the British government’s constant preoccupation with safeguarding their continued control of the Hong Kong, it is not the central focus. This despite the fact that almost certainly Hong Kong was itself the locale of the most sustained and routine of the ‘everyday’ encounters between China and Britain, the venue where the details of a functioning working relationship were negotiated and hammered out.

Mark turns instead to providing a much-needed narrative of the drawn-out path to the restoration of relatively normal diplomatic understanding between Britain and China. Drawing on British, Chinese, and US sources, he ably recounts the episodic negotiations between top-level officials on both sides, assisted by professional diplomats and well-placed intermediaries, notably Malcolm MacDonald, former British high commissioner for Southeast Asia, who developed an apparently genuine friendship with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai and Foreign Minister Chen Yi after they made a pit stop in Singapore’s airport. The 1954 Geneva Conference, where then British foreign secretary Anthony Eden also came to know and respect Zhou, brought an upgrade in the Chinese and British diplomatic missions to permanent rather than ad hoc status. British trade with China grew fairly steadily, as the United Kingdom gradually relaxed the embargoes imposed on commerce with communist nations, especially China, during the Korean War.

Even so, such progress as occurred took place against a background barrage of constant communist propaganda vilification of Western powers, with the United Kingdom accorded a prominent position. British diplomats and officials in London, Hong Kong, and Beijing cheerfully came to consider as virtually routine these perennial rhetorical assaults, which occasionally blossomed into well-orchestrated mass ‘spontaneous’ demonstrations in Beijing following such landmark events as the 1956 Suez invasion or the Anglo-American intervention in Lebanon 2 years later. Communist-sponsored newspapers and the Xinhua news agency in Hong Kong were equally shrill in their criticism of British and Western policies, though if they went too far, these complaints sometimes provoked crackdowns by the Hong Kong government.

The establishment of some level of diplomatic relations with China did not imply extensive or revealing channels of communication. Until the late 1970s, members of the British mission, like those of the few other Western powers—the Scandinavian countries, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and after 1964 France—with pre-1970 representation in the Chinese capital, rarely met Chinese people in non-official settings. Unless the Chinese bureaucracy wished to deliver a message of some kind, communications with the Foreign Ministry were sporadic and unpredictable. Foreign diplomats in Beijing lived in considerable comfort, except for those occasions when they became targets of communist political displeasure, but were largely isolated from the broader society to which they were assigned. They were rarely permitted to travel more than twelve miles from Beijing’s center, unless taken on carefully supervised official tours of model facilities and historic sites. Chinese diplomats in London had rather more latitude: leading Labour politician Denis Healey recalled that in the 1960s they sent their children to the local British school at which his daughter taught. By the early 1970s, the chargé could attend seminars at Chatham House, the British think tank. Even so, their movements were restricted, partly thanks due to British limitations imposed to reciprocate for those suffered by their counterparts in Beijing, and they were subject to party discipline. Diplomatic exchanges were often formulaic and confrontational.

The great breakdown of this already challenged system came in the mid to late 1960s, when the Cultural Revolution Chairman Mao Zedong had unleashed triggered anti-foreign sentiments that for a while escaped Politburo or Foreign Ministry control. Chinese Red Guards particularly resented the Hong Kong government’s forceful repression of 1967 riots, initially triggered by a labour dispute that prompted local communist activists, encouraged by Xinhua (New China News Agency) representatives in the territory, to demand an end to British rule. In retaliation, Red Guard factions—initially emboldened by an incautious endorsement from the ailing Premier Zhou Enlai—mounted physical assaults on British representatives in Shanghai and Beijing, and burned the British mission in Beijing, the culmination of a series of earlier sieges and sackings of the French, Soviet, Indian, Burmese, and Indonesian embassies. Low-level Chinese diplomats in London quickly added fuel to the fire by staging attacks on policemen watching and guarding their building in Portland Place. The destruction of the British building and the subsequent retention in China as hostages of the beleaguered diplomats, together with a Reuters correspondent taken as a bargaining chip for left-wing journalists jailed in Hong Kong—marked the nadir of Sino-British relations. Thereafter, Harold Wilson’s Labour government, followed by Edward Heath’s Conservative administration, worked not simply to repair the damage through piecemeal mutual concessions, but to move toward establishing full diplomatic relations. The Chinese government, after suppressing assorted Red Guard factions and regaining control, cooperated by rebuilding the devastated mission at its own expense. And the British closed their consulate in Tamsui, Taiwan, and eventually, after lengthy negotiations, devised a verbal formula that enabled them to leave the question of Taiwan to final resolution—still not reached—by the parties concerned.

Mark’s account makes it clear that on neither side was particularly sentimental relationship. The British and Chinese cherished few illusions about each other after dealings dating back for many years, but did have various common interests. It may be instructive that for Britain, trade came first. A Sino-British Trade Committee was created with government support in 1954, the ancestor of today’s China-British Council. Not until the early 1970s was the Great Britain China Committee (later Centre) established to promote broad Sino-British understanding. In the United States, the order was reversed, with the National Committee on US–China Relations founded in 1966 by a combination of academics, peace activists, and a few businessmen, and the US-China Business Council only established in 1973. Mark notes that, when engaged in negotiations intended to bring full diplomatic normalization, British officials eschewed the flowery panegyrics to Red China that characterized the rhetoric of US President Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger, his national security adviser. Throughout his study, Mark defends the British stance against those critics who condemn it as ‘appeasement’ of China, arguing that successive British governments rightly—and despite much provocation on China’s part—recognized that excluding China from the existing international system, including the United Nations, simply justified and encouraged communist Chinese intransigence.

The book would have benefited greatly from decent copy-editing, to correct minor errors on almost every page. References to the diplomatic ‘packing order’ in Beijing, ‘armless British police officers’ (I believe the original intent was unarmed rather than harmless), and ‘quip pro quo’ have a certain charm, but the novelty soon wears off. Bloomsbury has done awfully well financially from Harry Potter. And sloppily produced books lack a certain inherent subliminal credibility. How would Hermione handle this?

This paper examines the reasons why the CIA sponsored a coup in Guatemala in the 1950's. I conclude that the use of the domino-theory in american foreign policy was the deciding factor in the engagement in Guatemala. The american government feared the growing socialist influence in the country.

This is the Contents, Preface, and Introduction to the book. Exchanges have rarely been taken seriously (in any detail) as a subject of study in diplomatic history, but that is a mistake. The influence is subtle, spread over time, and worth investigating. In the beginning this was going to be a study of the Leader Program in Western Europe, but I became so intrigued by the micro-history of the Program in these three countries that I had to give that up. This is really the embodiment of what someone else (Costigliola?) termed the 'capillaries of empire'.

The Cold War era, from the end of the Second World War to the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991, remains understudied in modern Armenian history. Ara Sanjian will try to explain why Armenian historians and intellectuals in general have, in recent decades, shied away from tackling this specific period in the transnation’s history. He will also argue that writing the Cold War-era history of Soviet Armenia and the Armenian communities worldwide, as well as analyzing the legacy of the global Cold War for Armenians today are gaps that should be filled in the coming years. Based on deliberations during a conference on Armenians and the Cold War, organized by the Armenian Research Center at the University of Michigan-Dearborn in April 2016, Sanjian will briefly present the current state of historical research and knowledge on this topic. He will also list many related historical and other questions which remain to be answered by historians, social scientists, as well as literary and cultural historians interested in twentieth- and twenty-first century Armenian history. This public lecture, therefore, will aim at generating a public debate and pushing for further analysis of the Cold War segment of the Armenian past.

Genezy obrony totalnej (total defence) należy szukać u klasyków myśli wojskowej. Carl von Clauzewitz poświęcił uwagę możliwości zaangażowania ludności cywilnej w wojnę prowadzoną przez państwo, odnotowując, że jest to potencjał, który należy umiejętnie wykorzystać. Kluczowym założeniem koncepcji obrony totalnej jest szybka i powszechna mobilizacja ludności zdolnej do walki w przypadku zaistnienia zagrożenia wojną.

This article has as subject the study of Détente during the Cold War. It will be done by the analysis of different frameworks used by scholars to examine that historical period. Thus, in this work, the development of a notion of Détente during the Cold War and the different détentes highlighted by diverse points of view will be subject of scrutiny. To do that, the article explores the main characteristics of the so-called French Détente, the Ostpolitik, and the US-USSR Détente.

From the 1940s through the 1960s, a 'ring of fire burn[ed] all along the tropics.' The end of empires and the global struggle between East and West dominated the middle of the Twentieth Century, but the relationship between these two historical processes – and indeed, the boundaries of each – are still highly contested by historians. This course aims to introduce graduate students to the recent historiographies of Decolonization and the Cold War. We will examine a variety of topics ranging from the global structural shifts implicated in decolonization to new postwar internationalisms to the Cold War's manifestations outside of Europe. In the process, we will interrogate how the " transnational turn " has pushed the analytic limits of the categories of 'Cold War' and 'Decolonization' and reshaped how historians understand the interplay between local and global politics in the second half of the twentieth century. This course is open to graduate students working in all eras and regions.

The temporary employment of Yugoslav citizens in Western countries was one of the most important migration phenomena in socialist Yugoslavia. In the early 1970s, one in every four Yugoslavs employed outside of agriculture and craft work was a Gastarbeiter. Yet, while the study of the Yugoslav Gastarbeiter emigration has received much scholarly attention, the overall numbers and dynamics of Gastarbeiter return migration have remained under-researched.
This book offers a major contribution to fill this gap. It draws on fresh political documents from the archives, the press, statistical data, contemporary sociological research, audio-visual materials, novels, and oral history interviews. It shows that the impact of the Gastarbeiter return migration on development policies, social change, and narratives of identity was much more extensive than what has been recognised so far. In particular, analysing changes in migration patterns and policies in the period 1965-1991, this book argues that the return and reintegration of Gastarbeiter generated political divisions and social tensions on a much larger scale than had their employment abroad. It maintains that, during the crisis period of the 1980s, the increase of return migration put strains on the domestic labour market, contributing to the crisis of the federal system, and the ‘ethnicisation’ of migration policies